YOUR Ideas for Peace in Macedonia Wanted

[Transnational Foundation TFF <tff at transnational.org>]

On http://www.transnational.org from October 31, 1999



P r e s s I n f o   # 7 9


Y  O  U  R    I D E A S    F O R    P E A C E   

I N    M A C E D O N I A    W A N T E D      



October 31, 1999

"Read the farewell interview with Macedonian President Kirov Gligorov and
the analysis by TFF's Macedonian adviser Dr. Biljana Vankovska on our site
and you will understand how fragile the country's stability and peace is.
(http://www.transnational.org/features/Gligorov.html),
(http://www.transnational.org/forum/meet/Macedoniaafterwar.html).

Why not try a citizens' 'early warning'? We invite you to send us your ideas
on how we can help Macedonia avoid violence and move towards peace in spite
of all the obstacles," says director Jan Oberg.
  
"After the Kosovo war, all citizens of Macedonia go through very difficult
times; presidential elections take place on October 31. If there is one
lesson from Kosovo, it is this: the earlier we deal with the problems, the
more options there are, and the easier it is to solve conflicts without
resorting to violence. 

It is a safe prediction that, unless various types of violence-preventive
measures are taken and taken in time, Macedonia is likely to slide into
chaos. If citizens around the world apply their experience from
violence-prevention and peacebuilding and their creativity, we could produce
a series of proposals for early action. 

You can participate even if you do not have detailed knowledge about
Macedonia. Lots of generally violence-preventive steps can be taken to
prevent violence and solidify peace anywhere. Below we provide some ideas -
just a beginning. Readers, their friends and colleagues, are invited to
brainstorm and send us more and better proposals which we would be happy to
publish in future PressInfos. And we would very much like to receive
proposals FROM our readers and subscribers in Macedonia! 

* Watch the Kosovo-Macedonia connection. 
It is important that the international community does not make any final
decision now about the future status of Kosovo. At this juncture,  any final
settlement will impact negatively on the fears, hopes and political
strategies of both Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia.

* Respect Macedonia's sovereignty.
The international community must respect that, however weak and small,
Macedonia is a recognised, sovereign state having a right to expect that
others respect its independent decisions and territorial integrity. It is
ruthless and dangerous to keep on doing to Macedonia whatever NATO pleases
and expect it to obey just because it wants membership of NATO and the EU.

* Compensate the country economically.
The country has suffered a lot economically - since 1991 because of the
sanctions against their largest trade partner, Serbia; and recently because
of NATOs presence, use of facilities, damage to the environment. The inflow
of refugees diverted energy and already scarce resources away from the
country itself. The costs of the Kosovo War to Macedonia is estimated at
over US $ 1.5 billion, a huge sum for a country like Macedonia.

* Reestablish the UN as a civil mission and expand the OSCE mission.
The successful preventive UN mission (UNPREDEP) mission was sacrificed in an
international diplomatic game that opened the country to NATO - which was
not a success for Macedonia. A new UN mission, with predominantly civil
affairs people, monitors and civil police and with a new type of unit for
conflict-resolution and reconciliation training would suit the Macedonian
reality well. The same applies to an expanded OSCE mission in Skopje. If the
international community can do so much for the Kosovo province it would be
foolish to ignore Macedonia's needs for an international presence to help it
through the crisis. 
   
* Bring peace and reconciliation education to citizens, with special focus
on youth.
Competent NGOs from Christian and non-Christian countries should be invited
by the government and local NGOs to help develop curricula and other
educational activity in full cooperation with relevant ministries and local
civil society organisations - building peace and tolerance into spheres of
culture, education from primary to university level, into the media and -
last but not least - into the economy.

* Invest in Macedonia.
Risk-willing investments are needed now. It is now regional and global
business can contribute to peace. Big companies making small investments
would mean a huge difference here. Given the costs the international has
incurred on the region, the international Stability Pact is far too slow and
limited in scope. There should be many sources - it is not a safe strategy
to let one country more or less buy up the country, as is presently what
Greece seems to do.  

* Move from ethnic balancing to a state of democratic citizens.
Macedonia must be helped to move from the risky ethnic tightrope-walk it has
practised since independence and toward an integrated democratic welfare
state for all. It is not a matter of giving the Albanians a larger say in
society's various spheres: what needs to be done is to rise above that
division and create a future in which that division has much less relevance,
where people will talk politics, values and visions and not quarrel about
whether the Macedonians or the Albanians shall have this or that advantage,
position, or proportional representation. Creating multiethnic parties and
reduce the present influence of exclusively Albanian and Macedonian parties
is essential. 

* Fight corruption.
Not only the economic one, but also that of the political system. The
present government makes deals constantly about which party's people shall
run which institutions, agencies and companies. This leads to overall moral
decay and closes doors to democracy. Honest and morally principled people
should not feel handicapped in the Macedonian society, as is the case today.
Also, the mafia boom in Kosovo must not be allowed to spill-over (further)
into Macedonia. 

* Liberalise the media.
The de facto government control of media and its distribution system is only
marginally smaller than that in Croatia and Serbia. Nationalistic, im- or
explicitly hate- or prejudice-based reporting and debates should be arrested
now. Media have contributed greatly before to wars in the Balkans. One
creative idea would be for European media to "adopt" Macedonian sisters and
let Macedonian journalists and editors work abroad for periods while
European journalists work in Macedonian media.

* Give Macedonia a stake in the international initiatives.
People in Macedonia must be constantly consulted. We have seen enough of
top-down approaches in Croatia, Bosnia and now Kosovo. They don't work. The
international community must learn the lesson that violence-prevention and
peacebuilding cannot be imposed. Democracy can only be "sold" by practising
it, not by giving someone courses in it or by promising them money if they
learn to say the right things. In addition, no country should remain a
dependent client. 

* Alternative defence and security.
Macedonia could be helped in developing a security and defence policy that
is adapted to what the region and the country needs and fits its culture and
economic abilities, NOT what NATO or the US think it needs. Modern high-tech
defence is extremely expensive. If the country itself shall pay for that, it
means a tremendous set-back for civil socioeconomic development for decades.
It means loss of de facto sovereignty. Macedonia may need a military - but a
defensive, dense, decentralised one suited to its environment. Solving the
problems we list here is far more relevant for the country's long term
security and stability than acquiring a fancy high-tech defence. A good
civil defence and a people trained in non-violent resistance could work
miracles, will cost a fraction and preserve real independence in contrast to
militarisation and clientilisation. If it joins NATO, let Macedonia be the
Iceland of the Balkans - having no military but being useful in other ways
to its region and to the international community: something more like
Switzerland.

* Establish innovative institutions there. 
Macedonia could host a regional Centre for the Study and Practise of
Reconciliation and Forgiveness, for example (see PressInfo 76). It could be
offered the opportunity to host important European educational facilities
related to, say, human rights and  intercultural learning in various fields.
What a learning experience it would be for privileged EU students if they
could achieve not only professional competence but also learn what the
Balkans is about while studying in, say,  Bitola, Tetova or Skopje!

* Break the sanctions and co-operate with Yugoslavia.
It would be highly understandable if Macedonia openly broke the sanctions
and started co-operating with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia again. It
would be a tremendous boost to the Macedonian economy and welfare and, given
the sad human situation in Serbia and Montenegro, it would be a truly
humanitarian act, too. Furthermore, it would contribute a little to prevent
a breakdown in FRY and improve strained relations between the two countries.

* Start an OSCE-like process for all of the Balkans!
It is sad to see the international community deal with one issue at a time
over 8 years (Croatia, Bosnia and now Kosovo) without recognising the
interrelatedness of the problems as well as the solutions. It's time to
start a multi-year process with all participants: international and regional
governments and civil society organisations.  

"The country has survived a series of challenges that observers like myself
predicted would be fatal. One must not conclude that Macedonia is therefore
resistant to every event and pressure. Macedonia is neither Kosovo nor
Bosnia; its level of tolerance is higher, still. But take care! President
Gligorov has been singularly effective in providing leadership, tolerance
and stability; the candidates seeking to succeed him don't naturally match
these qualities. Secondly, Macedonia was seriously destabilised by NATO's
militant conversion of it into a combined military base and refugee camp. 

I think we have a duty to make good for that - in Macedonia, in Yugoslavia
and in Albania - and not put all the eggs now in the basket called Kosovo.
Remember, whatever NATO, OSCE and the UN try to do in Kosovo will be
meaningless if its neighbours fall apart, one after the other," concludes
Jan Oberg. "So please send YOUR ideas, and we will send them on to the
thousands who receive TFF PressInfos. When it comes to learning how to avoid
violence, even the smallest idea and initiative must be tried."      



(c) TFF 1999

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Dr. Jan Oberg
Director, head of the TFF Conflict-Mitigation team 
to the Balkans and Georgia

T F F

Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research
Vegagatan 25, S - 224 57 Lund, Sweden
Phone +46-46-145909 (0900-1100)
Fax +46-46-144512
Email
tff at transnational.org
http://www.transnational.org


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