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Analysis: U.S. policy morphing in Columbia
Tuesday, 11 September 2001 0:35 (ET)
Analysis: U.S. policy morphing in Columbia
By RICHARD SALE, UPI Terrorism Correspondent
The United States is deepening its military
involvement with Columbia's Andres Pastrana even as
his country slides toward civil war, U.S.
administration officials said.
The new, tougher policy means the Bush Administration
is departing from the narrow, counter-narcotics
program described during the Clinton era. Instead, it
will embark on improving Colombia's military
capacities via expanded aid that will create more
U.S-advised Colombia military units and accelerate
broadened bilateral intelligence exchanges in order to
curb mounting levels of Marxist guerilla activity
including kidnapping and terrorism, these sources
said.
"We no longer view the FARC and ELN guerillas as an
internal threat to the security of Colombia, but as a
threat to the security of the United States," a senior
Pentagon official told United Press International.
Another administration official said: "It's time to
drop the fiction of anti-narcotics aid only. Americans
are targets in Colombia."
A State Dept. official added, "We want the Colombian
army to be able to go and get the bad guys wherever
they are." A high-level, 50-person U.S. security
delegation arrived in Colombia last Wednesday to urge
Pastrana take a more vigorous approach in combating
the
17,000-member Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
group known by its Spanish initials as FARC.
The delegation was led by Marc Grossman,
undersecretary of state for political affairs and
State's No. 3 ranking diplomat. Members included
senior officials from the Justice Dept., the National
Security Council, the Pentagon, and the White House
drug czar's office, according to State Department
spokesman Phil Reeker.
Secretary of State Colin Powell is due to visit
Colombia Sept. 11 to 12 on his way back from a trip to
Peru. The new American policy would mean a greater
role for the U.S. Southern Command than the current
one of supplying 40 Black Hawk and Huey 2
helicopters as escorts for Columbian police crop
dusters that spray defoliants on FARC's coca crops to
undermine its drug trading.
Under the new policy, "we are talking about more
direct
military-to-military support," a State Department
official said. Last April Pentagon officials told
Congress that the U.S. military mission would end with
the delivery of the helicopters. Although official
U.S. policy in Colombia has been to support democracy,
combat narcotics trafficking, and aid social and
economic development, the Bush administration has been
increasingly concerned over activities in five
southern districts declared a FARC safe haven in 1998
as part of attempts by Pastrana and FARC to achieve
some sort of peace process. An area the size of the
country of Switzerland, the demilitarized zone is
being used to traffic in drugs, run mobile prison
camps and train terrorists, a State Dept. official
said.
John Moore, a former Defense Dept. counter-terrorism
analyst, told UPI that Cubans, militant Palestinians,
Hizb'allah, and even advisors from the leftist
government of Venezuela are all active in the area,
questioning the official State Department line that
the guerillas receive no outside help.
"Security conditions are going from bad to worse,"
another Defense Dept. official agreed. Larry Johnson,
a former CIA anti-terrorist expert, doubts the wisdom
of creating the safe haven as a concession to the
rebels, describing it as "a Club Med for terrorists."
Not everyone is eager to see any expansion of a U.S.
military role. Jina Amatangelo, fellow for Colombia at
the Washington Office on Latin America, an Andean
affairs think tank, said: "We're already very
concerned about U.S. military assistance because of
the human rights implications." She said
well-documented evidence shows persistent links
between the Columbian Army and such right-wing
paramilitary groups as the United Self-Defense
Forces/Group of Colombia. She added the Columbia
Commission of Jurists estimates that 70 percent of
killings (of civilians) are carried out "by
paramilitary groups associated with the army."
Indeed , the U.S. government Monday designated the
militant group, abbreviated by its Spanish initials
AUC, as a foreign terrorist organization. The
decision, which makes it illegal for U.S. citizens to
raise money for the group, marks the first time
Washington has listed a right-wing paramilitary group
as a foreign terrorist organization. FARC and
the other main Columbia terrorist group, ELN, both
left wing, are already on the list.
The paramilitary groups also have links to the drug
trade, making a farce out of U.S. efforts to stamp it
out, Amatangelo said. U.S. intelligence officials
confirmed that the paramilitary groups do have such
links.
Some think that the new Bush policy isn't all that
new, however. Adam Isacson, senior associate of the
Center for International Policy's Colombia Project,
said the line between anti-narcotic and
anti-insurgency policy "blurred a long time ago" with
the United States quietly feeding Colombia
counterinsurgency intelligence.
U.S. intelligence sources confirmed that although
there are strict guidelines that restrict any U.S.
intelligence-sharing to a counter-narcotics role, the
Clinton administration gave Colombia anti-insurgency
intelligence as early as 1999. Bush officials have
continued the trend. The intelligence is mainly
signals intelligence collected from airborne or space
platforms, these sources said.
Isacson commented: "It's never been what the
Colombians wanted," but a U.S. official said that such
exchanges have already been "stepped up and
broadened in scope." He did not elaborate.
Isacson speculated that the improved intelligence has
played a role in recent battlefield successes of the
Colombian Army. In a recent "August 7th Operation,"
the FARC had barely emerged with 2,000 men from a
stronghold in the south when "the Colombian Army was
all over them," Isacson said.
Last year, as part of Pastrana's Plan Colombia, the
Congress passed a $1.5 billion counter-drug package
for the country, making it one of the biggest
recipients of U.S. aid. Current restrictions limit the
U.S. military presence to 500 active-duty troops and
300 private contracts.
U.S. aid has helped fund and train three
anti-narcotics battalions or about 2,800 men. If the
new plan is approved, the U.S. would create additional
battalions to operate in different areas. "From the
military perspective, the new policy means more
involvement by the Southern Command," a Pentagon
official said.
But Mike Schifter, vice president for policy for the
Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington based think
tank, said flatly that the "military dimension is not
enough." A tougher Colombian military could force the
FARC and ELN to the peace table but Schifter cited the
example of El Salvador where peace negotiations only
began after fighting had ceased. Schifter told UPI he
looks to the coming visit of Powell as a hopeful sign
of a higher level of political engagement by the
United States, which till now, has been lacking, he
said.
"We don't want a policy formulated by DEA or the
Southern Command," he explained. Instead, there must
be "a broader, more strategic vision, a comprehensive
political strategy."