[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index][Thread Index]
Fwd: Please Stop the International Amina Lawal Protest LetterCampaigns
- Subject: Fwd: Please Stop the International Amina Lawal Protest LetterCampaigns
- From: Cristiana Scoppa <cscoppa@lcnet.it>
- Date: Fri, 2 May 2003 18:55:35 +0200
Title: Fwd: Please Stop the International Amina Lawal
Protest
Salve,
vi giro questa e-mail ricevuta dalle nostre partner in Nigeria.
Mi sembra importante ascoltare le nostre sorelle africane. Questa
campagna ha gi avuto effetti negativi non piccoli, come ho avuto
modo di riferire in alcune occasioni. Un cordiale saluto
Cristiana Scoppa
AIDOS
Associazione italiana donne per lo sviluppo
From: "Ayesha Imam"
<AyeshaImam@earthlink.net>
To: <AyeshaImam@earthlink.net>
Subject: Please Stop the International Amina Lawal Protest Letter
Campaigns
Date: Fri, 2 May 2003 11:12:10 -0400
X-Priority: 3 (Normal)
Importance: Normal
Please Stop the International
Amina Lawal Protest Letter Campaigns
Dear friends,
There have been a whole host of petitions and letter
writing campaigns about Amina Lawal (sentenced to stoning to death for
adultery in August 2002). Many of these are inaccurate and
ineffective and may even be damaging to her case and those of others
in similar situations. BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights, which
is responsible for initiating and continuing to support the defences
of cases like Ms. Lawal's, thanks the world for its support and
concern, but requests that you please stop the Amina Lawal
international protest letter campaigns for now (May 2003). The
information currently circulated is inaccurate, and the situation in
Nigeria, being volatile, will not be helped by such campaigns.
At the end of this letter, we indicate ways in which you can help us
and we hope we can count on your continuing support.
Clarification of Facts
First, we would like to pass on some facts that
hopefully will clarify the situation somewhat. Contrary to information
being widely circulated, Amina Lawal's conviction has NOT been
upheld by Nigeria's Supreme Court. Ms. Lawal was originally
convicted by an Upper Area Court in Katsina State in northern
Nigeria. Her appeal is currently before the Katsina State Sharia
Court of Appeal. The appeal had been several times postponed.
However the next appeal hearing has now been set for June 3, 2003.
Should this appeal not succeed, Ms. Lawal would appeal to the
(Nigerian Federal) Sharia Court of Appeal. Only if unsuccessful at the
federal appeal court also would Ms. Lawal's case go to the Supreme
Court of Nigeria. In other words, the process is a long way from
immediate stoning to death. Although the stress on Ms. Lawal is
obviously considerable and awful, she is not in immediate danger of a
judicial execution.
Furthermore, so far, not one appeal that has been
taken up by BAOBAB and supporting local NGOs in Nigeria has been
lost. All the completed appeals processes have been successful.
Again, so far, all these appeals have been won in local state Sharia
courts - none have yet needed to go up to the Federal Sharia
Court of Appeal, from whence appeals would go to the Supreme Court.
(We do note, however, that there is still work to be done at this
level, as sometimes the judges have chosen to quash on technicalities,
thus avoiding the substantive grounds of the appeals. However,
we note also that historically, the State Sharia Courts of Appeal, and
especially the Federal Sharia Court of Appeal, have passed judgements
that are more gender-fair - in marked contrast to the lower courts
where all of these convictions were passed).
Contrary to the statements in many of the
internationally originated appeals for petitions and protest letters,
none of the victims received a pardon as a result of international
pressure. None of them has received a pardon at all - or
needed to, so far.
None of the sentences of stoning to death have been
carried out. Either the appeals were successful or those
convicted are still in the appeals process.
Dangers of Letter Writing
Campaigns?
However, if there is an immediate physical danger to
Ms. Lawal and others, it is from vigilante and political further
(over)reaction to international attempts at pressure. This has
happened already in the case of Bariya Magazu, the unmarried teenager
convicted of zina (extra-marital sex) and sentenced to flogging
in Zamfara in 1999. Ms. Magazu's sentence was quite illegally
brought forward with no notice, despite the earlier assurances of the
trial judge that the sentence would not be carried out for at least a
year. She was told the night before that it would be carried
out very early the next morning (and thus had no way of contacting
anyone for help even if this unschooled and poor rural teenager had
access to a telephone or organizing knowledge and experience), whilst
the state bureaucracy had been instructed to obstruct and was
physically refusing to take the appeal papers from BAOBAB's
lawyers. The extra-legal carrying
out of the sentence was not despite national and international
pressure; it was deliberately to defy it. The Governor of
Zamfara State boasted of his resistance to "these letters from
infidels" - even to sniggering over how many letters he had
received. Thus, we would like you to recognise that an
international protest letter campaign is not necessarily the most
productive way to act in every situation. On the contrary,
women's rights defenders should assess potential backlash effects
before devising strategies.
Problems with Petitions based on Inaccurate
Information
Even when protests are appropriate forms of action,
when they are obviously based on inaccuracies of fact they are easier
to ignore.
Circulating protests and writing letters based on inaccurate
information may further damage the situation instead of helping.
They certainly damage the credibility of the local activists, who are
assumed to have supplied this information. If we remember that
it is local activists who most facilitate turning rights principles
into everyday reality for people, then reducing the ability and
potential of local activists to carry out women's and human rights
promotion and defence is a counter-productive mode of
proceeding. Please check the accuracy of the information with
local activists, before further circulating petitions or responding to
them.
Re-Presenting negative stereotypes of Islam and
Muslims
Dominant colonialist discourses and the mainstream
international media have presented Islam (and Africa) as the barbaric
and savage Other. Please do not buy into this. Accepting stereotypes
that present Islam as incompatible with human rights not only
perpetuates racism but also confirms the claims of right-wing
politico-religious extremists in all of our contexts. We appreciate
that many who join letter writing campaigns are motivated by the same
sense of international solidarity and feminist outrage that leads us
at BAOBAB to participate in international actions. But when protest
letters re-present negative stereotypes of Islam and Muslims, they
inflame sentiments rather than encouraging reflection and
strengthening local progressive movements. They may result in
behaviour such as that of the Zamfara State governor over Bariya
Magazu, or even more threatening, hostile and violent behaviour by
vigilantes (in extra-legal acts by non-state actors like the hordes of
young unemployed men who are the bulk of the vigilantes).
Consequently, such letters can put in further danger both the victims
who are easily reachable in their home communities, and, the activists
and lawyers supporting them (who are particularly vulnerable when they
have to walk through hostile crowds on their way to court, for
instance).
Muslim discourses and the invocation of Islam have
been used both to vindicate and protect women s rights in some places
and times, and to violate and restrict them in other places and times
- as in the present case. The same can be said of many, many
other religions and discourses (for example, Christianity, capitalism,
socialism, modernization to name but a few). The point is for us
to question who is invoking Islam (or whatever belief/discourse) for
what purposes, and also to acknowledge and support internal dissent
within the community involved, rather than engaging in a wholesale
condemnation of peoples' beliefs and cultures, which is seldom
accurate or effective in changing views within the affected
community. Please be sensitive to these concerns in any
protest letters you may write.
Supporting Local Pressures
There is a place for international pressure and
campaigns. We would not risk anyone's life by insisting on
never having an international campaign. However, using
international protest appeals as the automatic response reduces its
usefulness as an advocacy tool. We feel
that this is not the time for an international letter writing
campaign, but we are concerned that should the situation change, and
we then need international pressure and ask for international support,
the moral energy and indignation of the world may already have been
spent - resulting in campaign fatigue (been there, done
that already).
International letter writing campaigns have specific
potential that can be spectacularly successful (as in the case of
Fatima Yacoub in Tchad in the mid-1990s). However, they are not
appropriate in this campaign at this time. This is not one
individual case. Not all the cases of conviction have made the
international headlines or even the national media. They cannot
all become international causes clbres and subjects for
letter-writing protests.
(Very few people know the name of Hafsatu Abubakar, the
first woman to be acquitted after appealing a stoning to death
sentence, nor any of the other 8 women and 10 youths whose current
cases BAOBAB is also dealing with, for
instance).
Using local structures and mechanisms (as a means of
resisting retrogressive laws or interpretations of laws and the forces
behind them) is the priority. It strengthens local
counter-discourses and often carries greater legitimacy than 'outside'
pressure. Further, it can really address the local political
power struggles that are behind the political use of religions and
ethnicities in Nigeria. The political Islamists and vigilantes
threaten (and carry out) acts of violence
against those who criticise them, in order to intimidate people. But
they have also been promoting the view that any criticism or appeal of
conviction is anti-Islam and tantamount to apostasy, and thereby
trying to get people to submit quietly and voluntarily. One of
the means of countering this was our choice to pursue the appeals in
the Sharia system, and thereby demonstrate that people have a right to
appeal and to challenge injustices, including those made in the name
of Islam.
Every appeal in the local sharia courts strengthens
this process. Since the first
cases, that of Bariya Magazu, (where BAOBAB had to convince her family
and various opinion-leaders in the village to agree to an appeal) and
the Jangedi case (where a man convicted of theft refused to appeal and
had his hand amputated), many victims have no longer acquiesced to
injustices, but actively sought help. Furthermore, in both
Safiya Husseini Tungar-Tudu's and Amina Lawal's cases, members of
their community have spoken about the abuse of Sharia and taken
actions to protect them from local vigilantes. These are actions
that would not have happened when BAOBAB first started this work in
1999. At that time, even finding a lawyer from the Muslim
community willing to represent the victim was not
easy.
Winning appeals in the Sharia courts, as we and others
have done, establishes that convictions should not have been made.
A pardon means that people are guilty but the state is forgiving them
for it. It does not have the same moral and political
resonance. A pardon that is perceived as occurring as a result
of outside pressure is even less likely to convince the community of
its rightness. If we don't want such abuses to go on and on,
then we have to convince the community not to accept injustices even
when perpetrated in the name of strongly held
beliefs.
Deciding on Strategies to Fight
Injustices
We are asking for international solidarity strategies
that respect the analyses and agency of those activists most closely
involved and in touch with the issues on the ground and the wishes of
the women and men directly suffering rights violations.
The local groups in Nigeria directly
representing victims (in the lead of whom are BAOBAB for Women's Human
Rights and WRAPA - Women's Rights Advancement and Protection
Agency) have specifically asked that there NOT be international letter
writing campaigns. When victims of human rights abuses are held
incommunicado, then clearly all anyone can do is act on our own
beliefs to try and help them. This is not such a situation.
The victims are not in detention (and indeed give press
interviews). They have chosen to appeal and accepted the
assistance of NGOs like BAOBAB, WRAPA and the networks of Nigerian
women's and human rights NGOs that support them. There is an
unbecoming arrogance in assuming that international human rights
organisations or others always know better than those directly
involved, and therefore can take actions that fly in the face of their
express wishes. Of course, there is always the possibility that
those directly involved are wrong but surely the course of action is
to persuade them of the correctness of one's analysis and
strategies, rather than ignore their wishes. They at least have
to live directly with the consequences of any wrong decisions that
they take. Please do liaise with those whose rights have been
violated and/or local groups directly involved to discuss strategies
of solidarity and support before launching campaigns.
So how can people and other organisations
help?
In the immediate, resources (money but not only money)
are needed to support both the victims directly and the appeal
processes. The victims - almost all of them poor, and most
also rural dwellers - have found that their lives and work and
those of their families are disrupted. They are economically
hard hit, as well as under considerable social pressure. Often
their health (physical and psychological) suffers as a result of
stress. Sometimes a safe house is needed in the face of threats
from vigilantes - there are no institutional ones in northern
Nigeria. It may be necessary to consider safe asylum (bearing in
mind issues like travel documents, visas, costs and how government
bureaucracies will react). Resources are needed for living
expenses for victims, their dependents and families, and to deal with
stress-related consequences (counselling support, medical treatments
and drugs amongst them), and to deal with safety and
security. Experience and
strategy-sharing with other groups who have dealt with similar
situations supporting victims through an appeals process and campaign
would also be most welcome.
Then there are the costs of fighting the appeals.
Obviously there are legal costs. These include court fees and
lawyers' fees. (Not all lawyers are willing or financially able to
work completely pro bono. Even when they donate their
expertise, they may have to be paid for court appearances, travel and
subsistence expenses). They also include costs in document
preparation especially in multiple copies and so on. There are
also a whole series of associated costs. Fighting appeals is
person and time-intensive. Activists have to; check media and local
networks to find victims; travel to offer support to victims; draw on
networks to find lawyers willing to represent victims; convene
and participate in strategy sessions (yet more travel as these are
often national); prepare the arguments and documentation; travel to
the court with the victims; engage in victim support (discuss their
situations and the possible options and ramifications, deal with
consequential issues like loss of land, or ill-health, provide
emotional support); liaise with and service the local and
international networks supporting such work; not to mention write the
reports and analyses constantly required. Resources to
support all this work is needed.
Women's rights activists working on these issues
very early on received support from progressive lawyers, Islamic
scholars and rights activists from throughout Nigeria, the Muslim
world and elsewhere, in the form of legal and religious argumentation
(fiqh), case law examples and strategies which were generously
shared. We would like to acknowledge this help and support - it
has been extremely useful and we can probably never have enough of
it.
For the long-term, there are two needs to work on:
constructing the cultures of recognizing rights and fighting
violations at the local and national levels; and, to develop
argumentation and advocacy to change the laws, evidence requirements
and procedures.
In sum, funding for credible organizations doing
both immediate and long-term work is urgently needed.
Exchanges of information, experiences and knowledge
in similar situations would also be helpful.
Practical offer of safe havens - outside the
community but within Nigeria, and, outside of Nigeria may also be
needed.
Finally, do please circulate this message widely -
including to all the list-servs and networks where petitions
based on inaccurate information have been circulated. If you
would share and discuss this message with other activists and
organisations who have demonstrated their solidarity on these cases,
that would be helpful.
Respectfully
Ayesha Imam (Board Member)
Sindi Medar-Gould (Executive Director)
BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights
BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights has been closely
involved with defending the rights of women, men and children in
Muslim, customary and secular laws - and in particular of those
convicted under the new Sharia Criminal legislation acts passed in
Nigeria since 2000. In fact, BAOBAB was the first (and for
several months the only) NGO with members from the Muslim community,
who were willing to speak publicly against retrogressive versions of
Muslim laws and to work on changing the dominant conservative
understanding of the rights of women in enacted Sharia (Muslim
religious laws), as well as in customary and secular laws.
BOABAB was also the first, and again for some time the only NGO to
actually find the victims and support their appeals, raising funds for
the costs and putting together a strategy team of women's and human
rights activists, lawyers and Islamic scholars contributing their
expertise and time voluntarily. BAOBAB for Women's Human
Rights was the 2002 recipient of the John Humphrey Freedom Award for
this work. BAOBAB's work was also recently cited by the
Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women as an example of best
practice.
If you would like to support BAOBAB for Women's
Human Rights work, please send a check/cheque or international money
order made out to:
a) BAOBAB / WLUML-AME Legal Defence Fund (supports the
immediate costs victims and appeals process);
and/or
b) BAOBAB / WLUML-AME Rights Advocacy Fund (supports the
long-term work in enabling the critique of the rights in Muslim laws,
as in customary and secular laws, and to work on the reconstruction of
rights in law and practice); and/or
c) BAOBAB / WLUML-AME Core Funding (enables flexibility
in usage - it must still be accounted for and reported
on)
These should be sent to:
BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights
P O Box 73630
Victoria Island
Lagos,
Nigeria
Or
BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights
PMB
134,
1333A North Avenue
New Rochelle
NY 10804, USA
Or
BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights
P O Box 28445
London N19 5JT
UK
Server sicuro protetto con antivirus ed antispam