La NATO non va mai in vacanza

["glr" <glr_y@iol.it>]

1) * La NATO prepara nuove aggressioni umanitarie (NATO PREPARING 
NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS)

2) * La NATO usa la menzogna sistematica come arma di guerra (NATO 
ADMITS YUGOSLAVS CARRIED OUT NO MASS KILLINGS IN KOSOVO)

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Date sent:      	Tue, 29 Aug 2000 09:51:05 +0200
From:           	Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia <crj@sigmasrl.it>
Send reply to:  	crj <crj@sigmasrl.it>
To:             	crj <crj@sigmasrl.it>
Subject:        	Purtroppo la NATO non va mai in vacanza

* La NATO prepara nuove aggressioni umanitarie
* La NATO usa la menzogna sistematica come arma di guerra


>NATO PREPARING NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS
>
>By Gregory Elich
>
>Quietly, NATO is laying plans for a new military strike against
>Yugoslavia. On August 13 through 15, CIA Director George Tenet
>visited Bulgaria. In a series of extraordinary meetings, Tenet
>met with Bulgarian President Petur Stoyanov, as well as the Prime
>Minister, Interior Minister and Defense Minister. Officially, the
>purpose of Tenet's visit was to discuss the problem of organized
>crime and narcotics. However, Tenet spent a combined total of
>only 20 minutes at the headquarters of the National Security
>Service and the National Service for Combating Organized Crime.
>Unnamed diplomatic sources revealed that the proposed oil transit
>pipeline from the Caspian Sea was also topic of discussion.
>
>The driving motivation for Tenet's visit, though, was to discuss
>Yugoslavia. According to an unnamed diplomatic source,
>Montenegrin secession from Yugoslavia topped the agenda.
>Following the meeting between Tenet and Major General Dimo
>Gyaurov, Director of the National Intelligence Service, a public
>statement was issued which stressed their "commonality of
>interests." Reports in the Bulgarian press revealed that various
>options were discussed with Bulgaria's president and prime
>minister. Tenet's preferred option is the removal of the Yugoslav
>government, either as a result of that country's election on
>September 24, or by a NATO military assault that would install a
>puppet government. Another scenario would follow the secession of
>Montenegro from Yugoslavia. If open warfare breaks out over
>Montenegro's secession, then the United States plans to wage a
>full-scale war against Yugoslavia, as it did in spring 1999.
>Sofia's Monitor reported that the "CIA coup machine" is forming.
>"A strike against Belgrade is imminent," it adds, and "Bulgaria
>will serve as a base." (1)
>
>The Italian army recently signed a lease contract to conduct
>training exercises beginning in October at the Koren training
>ground, near Kaskovo in southeast Bulgaria. The French army
>signed a similar agreement, in which French soldiers and tanks
>will train at the Novo Selo grounds in central Bulgaria from
>October 11 to December 12. Talks are also underway for the U.S.
>military to lease the Shabla training grounds in northeastern
>Bulgaria. Scheduled to take place following the election in
>Yugoslavia, the training exercises could serve as a launching pad
>for NATO's planned military strike. It was recently announced
>that the British aircraft carrier HMS Invincible is to be
>redeployed to the Adriatic over the next few months in support of
>a potential conflict over Montenegro (2)
>
>Military force is only one component of the West's
>destabilization campaign against Yugoslavia. In November 1998,
>President Clinton launched a plan for the overthrow of the
>government of Yugoslavia. The initial emphasis of the plan
>centered on supporting secessionist forces in Montenegro and the
>right-wing opposition in Serbia. (3) Several months later, during
>the bombing of Yugoslavia, Clinton signed a secret paper
>instructing the CIA to topple the Yugoslav government. The plan
>called for the CIA to secretly fund opposition groups and the
>recruitment of moles in the Yugoslav government and military. (4)
>On July 8, 1999, U.S. and British officials revealed that
>commando teams were training snatch operations to seize alleged
>war criminals and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. As an
>encouragement to mercenaries, the U.S. State Department also
>announced a $5 million bounty for President Milosevic. (5)
>
>Several Yugoslav government officials and prominent individuals,
>including Defense Minister Pavle Bulatovic, have been gunned
>down. Most of these crimes remain unsolved, as the assassins
>managed to escape. Police apprehended one assassin, Milivoje
>Gutovic, after he shot Vojvodina Executive Council President
>Bosko Perosevic at an agricultural fair in Novi Sad. During
>interrogations, Gutovic admitted to police that he worked for the
>right-wing Serbian Renewal Movement. (6)
>
>Goran Zugic, security advisor to secessionist Montenegrin
>President Milo Djukanovic, was murdered late on May 31, 2000. The
>assassin escaped, allowing Western leaders to blame President
>Milosevic. Coming just one week before crucial local elections in
>Montenegro, forces opposing President Milosevic stood to gain
>from the murder, as the effect would tend to sway undecided
>voters in favor of secessionist parties. A few days after the
>assassination, Yugoslav Minister of Information Goran Matic held
>a press conference, at which he accused the CIA of complicity in
>the murder. Matic played a taped recording of two telephone
>conversations between head of the US mission in Dubrovnik Sean
>Burns, US State Department official James Swaggert, Gabriel
>Escobar of the US economic group in Montenegro and Paul Davies of
>the US Agency for International Development. Excerpts of the
>conversations, recorded 20 minutes after the assassination and
>again three hours later, included comments such as, "It was
>professional," and "Mission accomplished." (7)
>
>The first publicly known Western plan to assassinate President
>Milosevic was drafted in 1992. Richard Tomlinson, a former
>British MI6 employee, later disclosed the plan. His task as an
>MI6 agent was to carry out undercover operations in Eastern
>Europe posing as a businessman or journalist. Tomlinson
>frequently met with MI6 officer Nick Fishwick. During one their
>meetings, Fishwick showed Tomlinson a document entitled, "The
>Need to Assassinate President Milosevic of Serbia." Three methods
>were proposed for the assassination of Milosevic. The first
>method, Tomlinson recalled, "was to train and equip a Serbian
>paramilitary opposition group," which would have the advantage of
>deniability but an unpredictable chance of success. The second
>method would employ a specially trained British SAS squad to
>murder President Milosevic "either with a bomb or sniper ambush."
>Fishwick considered this more reliable, but it lacked
>deniability. The third method would be to kill Milosevic "in a
>staged car crash." (8) Seven years later, on October 3, 1999, the
>third method was employed against the leader of the Serbian
>Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic, when a truck filled with sand
>plowed into his car, killing everyone inside except for
>Draskovic. The temperamental Draskovic had been a major factor in
>the chronic fragmentation of the right-wing opposition,
>frustrating Washington's efforts to forge a unified opposition.
>(9)
>
>During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, a missile struck President
>Milosevic's home on April 22, 1999. He and his wife were staying
>elsewhere that evening. Pentagon spokesman Ken Bacon was quick to
>announce that "we are not targeting President Milosevic." It is
>impossible, though, to view a missile striking Milosevic's
>bedroom at 3:10 AM as anything but an assassination attempt. (10)
>
>In November 1999, members of an assassination squad, code-named
>"Spider," were arrested in Yugoslavia. According to Minister
>Goran Matic, "French intelligence was behind" the Spider group,
>whose aim was the assassination of President Milosevic. Planned
>scenarios included a sniper attack, planting an explosive device
>alongside a route they expected Milosevic to travel, planting an
>explosive in his car, and organizing 10 trained commandos to
>storm the presidential residence. The leader of the group,
>Jugoslav Petrusic, had dual Yugoslav and French citizenship.
>Matic claimed that Petrusic worked for French intelligence for
>ten years. During interrogations, Petrusic said that he had
>killed 50 men on orders by French intelligence. Matic announced
>that one of the members of Spider was a "specialist for killings
>with a truck full of sand" - the same method used against
>Draskovic the previous month.
>
>Following the Bosnian war, Petrusic organized the transport of
>180 Bosnian Serb mercenaries to fight for Mobutu Sese Seku in
>Zaire, an affair that was managed by French intelligence.
>According to a Bosnian Serb businessman, Petrusic "did not hide
>the fact that he was working for the French intelligence service.
>I have personally seen a photo of him next to Mitterand as his
>bodyguard." In younger days, Petrusic was a member of the French
>Foreign Legion. During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, the Spider
>group infiltrated the Yugoslav Army, supplying information to the
>French and guiding NATO warplanes to their targets.
>
>Yugoslav secret service sources revealed that the Spider group
>trained at NATO bases in Bosnia where "buildings resembling those
>where Milosevic lives were constructed." Money from the French
>intelligence service for Spider was brought to the border between
>Hungary and Yugoslavia by a man named Serge Lazarevic. (11)
>
>One month later, the members of a second hit team, calling itself
>the Serbian Liberation Army, was arrested. Their aim was to
>assassinate President Milosevic and restore the monarchy. (12)
>
>At the end of July 2000, a squad of four Dutch commandos was
>apprehended while attempting to cross into Serbia from
>Montenegro. During the investigation, they admitted that they
>intended to kill or kidnap President Milosevic. The four said
>that they were informed that $30 million had been offered for
>"Milosevic's head," and that they intended to "claim a reward."
>One of the men said that the group planned to abduct Milosevic or
>former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic and "surrender
>them to The Hague." The group planned to put them atop a car "in
>a ski box and transport them.out of the country." If the
>abduction failed, one of the men "had the idea to kill the
>president, to decapitate his head, to put it in the box and to
>send it home" to the Netherlands.
>
>One of the arrested men, Gotfrides de Ri, belonged to the openly
>racist neo-nazi Center Party. During the wars in Croatia and
>Bosnia, the Center Party sent Dutch mercenaries to fight in
>right-wing Croatian paramilitary units. At the time of their
>arrest, the four were found with several knives, including one
>with a swastika, and wires with hooks for strangulation. All four
>admitted that they had trained under the British SAS. At a news
>conference on August 1, Goran Matic accused the U.S of being the
>prime sponsor of assassinations and attempted assassinations. "It
>is obvious that they are recruiting various terrorist groups
>because they are frustrated with the fact that their military,
>political and economic goals in southeastern Europe have not been
>realized. [They are] trying to send them into the country so that
>they can change our political and social environment." (13)
>Jonathan Eyal, an advisor to the British government, commented
>recently, "I can't say when it will happen, but I can guarantee
>that Milosevic will end up dead, and he will be followed by a
>more pro-Western government." (14)
>
>Flagrant Western interference is distorting the political process
>in Yugoslavia. U.S. and Western European funds are channelled to
>right-wing opposition parties and media through such
>organizations as the National Endowment for Democracy and George
>Soros' Open Society Institute. The National Democratic Institute
>(NDI) is yet another of the myriad semi-private organizations
>that have attached themselves like leeches on Eastern Europe. The
>NDI opened an office in Belgrade in 1997, hoping to capitalize on
>opposition attempts to bring down the government through street
>demonstrations. By 1999, the NDI had already trained over 900
>right-wing party leaders and activists on "message development,
>public outreach and election strategy." NDI also claimed to have
>provided "organizational training and coalition-building
>expertise" to the opposition. (15)
>
>The New Serbia Forum, funded by the British Foreign Office,
>brings Serbian professionals and academics to Hungary on a
>regular basis for discussions with British and Central European
>"experts." The aim of the meetings is to "design a blueprint for
>post-Milosevic society." The Forum develops reports intended to
>serve as "an action plan" for a future pro-Western government.
>Subjects under discussion have included privatization and
>economic stabilization. The Forum calls for the "reintegration of
>Yugoslavia into the European family," a phrase that translates
>into the dismantling of the socialist economy and inviting
>Western corporations to swarm in. (16)
>
>Western aims were clearly spelled out in the Stability Pact for
>Southeastern Europe of June 10, 1999. This document called for
>"creating vibrant market economies" in the Balkans, and "markets
>open to greatly expanded foreign trade and private sector
>investment." One year later, the White House issued a fact sheet
>detailing the "major achievements" of the Pact. Among the
>achievements listed, the European Bank for Reconstruction and
>Development (EBRD) and the International Finance Corporations are
>said to be "mobilizing private investment." By 2002, "new private
>investment in the region" is expected to reach nearly $2 billion.
>The Pact's Business Advisory Council "is visiting all of the
>countries of Southeast Europe" to "offer advice" on investment
>issues. Another initiative is Hungarian involvement with
>opposition-led local governments and opposition media in Serbia.
>
>The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), on July 26,
>2000, inaugurated an investment fund to be managed by Soros
>Private Funds Management. The Southeast Europe Equity Fund, "will
>invest in companies in the region in a range of sectors." Its
>purpose, according to the U.S. Embassy in Macedonia, is "to
>provide capital for new business development, expansion and
>privatization." In March 2000, Montenegro signed an agreement
>permitting the operation of OPIC on its territory. Billionaire
>George Soros spelled out what all this means. U.S. involvement in
>the region, he said, "creates investment opportunities," and "I
>am happy to put my money where they are putting theirs." In other
>words, there is money to be made. George Munoz, President and CEO
>of OPIC was also blunt. "The Southeast Europe Equity Fund," he
>announced, "is an ideal vehicle to connect American institutional
>capital with European entrepreneurs eager to help Americans tap
>their growing markets. OPIC is pleased that Soros Private Funds
>Management has chosen to send a strong, positive signal that
>Southeast Europe is open for business."
>
>The final text of the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe
>suggested that a Yugoslavia that would "respect" the Pact's
>"principles and objectives" would be "welcome" to become a full
>member. "In order to draw the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
>closer to this goal," the document declared, Montenegro would be
>an "early beneficiary." Western leaders hope that a future
>pro-Western Yugoslavia would, as has the rest of Eastern Europe,
>be
>
>"eager to help Americans" make money. (17)
>
>Western leaders yearn to install a puppet government in Belgrade,
>and place their hopes in the fragmented right-wing opposition
>parties in Serbia. In 1999, American officials encouraged these
>parties to organize mass demonstrations to overthrow the
>government, but these rallies quickly fizzled due to lack of
>popular support. When Yugoslav Federal and local elections were
>announced for July 24, 2000, American and Western European
>officials met with leaders of the Serbian opposition parties,
>urging them to unite behind one presidential candidate. Despite
>U.S. efforts, three candidates emerged in opposition to President
>Milosevic.
>
>At the beginning of August 2000, the U.S. opened an office in
>Budapest specifically tasked to assist opposition parties in
>Yugoslavia. Among the staff are 24 psychological warfare
>specialists who engaged in psychological operations during NATO's
>war against Yugoslavia and earlier against Iraq in the Gulf War.
>During those operations, the team also fabricated news items in
>an effort to sway Western public opinion.
>
>If President Milosevic is re-elected, then U.S. Secretary of
>State Madeleine Albright expects street demonstrations to
>overturn the election results and topple the government. In
>meetings held in Banja Luka in spring 2000, Albright expressed
>disappointment with the failure of past efforts to overthrow the
>legally elected Yugoslav government. Albright said that she had
>hoped sanctions would lead people to "blame Milosevic for this
>suffering." An exasperated Albright wondered, "What was stopping
>the people from taking to the streets?" Indicating that the U.S.
>was casting about for a pretext for intervention, she added,
>"Something needs to happen in Serbia that the West can support."
>(18)
>
>The paths of Yugoslavia's two republics are sharply diverging,
>and Montenegro has embarked on a program to place its entire
>economy at the service of the West. November 1999 saw the
>introduction in Montenegro of the German mark as an official
>currency and the passage of legislation eliminating socially
>owned property. One month later, several large firms were
>publicly offered for sale, including the Electric Power Company,
>the 13th July Agricultural Complex, the Hotel-Tourist firm Boka
>and many others. (19) The republic's privatization program for
>2000 calls for the privatization of most state-owned industries,
>and includes measures to "protect domestic and foreign
>investors." Three hundred firms will be privatized in the initial
>stage of the plan. In early 2000, the U.S. signed an agreement to
>provide Montenegro $62 million, including $44 million from the
>U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). According to
>the agency, it will also undertake "assistance programs to
>support economic reform and restructuring the economy..to advance
>Montenegro toward a free market economy." U.S. policy advisor on
>the Balkans James Dobbins indicated that the U.S. viewed the
>"market-oriented reforms of the Djukanovic regime as a model and
>stimulus for similar reforms throughout the former Yugoslavia."
>The U.S. is also offering guarantees for private investors in the
>republic. Additional aid is provided by the European Union, which
>has approved $36 million for Montenegro. "From the first day,"
>admitted Djukanovic, "we have had British and European
>consultants." (20)
>
>The Center for International Private Enterprise, an affiliate of
>the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, is providing support to the Center
>for Entrepreneurship (CEP) in Montenegro. According to the
>center's executive director, Petar Ivanovic, the organization
>"focuses on elementary and high schools," establishing
>entrepreneurship as a new subject to be taught in schools. As
>Ivanovic explains it, "Introducing young people to the concept of
>entrepreneurship will make them less resistant to the private
>sector." The CEP also intends to "educate government officials
>about the potential rewards of the private sector," and to help
>them "understand the benefits of economic reform and
>privatization." (21) According to Djukanovic, when he met with
>President Clinton on June 21, 1999, the U.S. president gave the
>privatization process a push by telling Djukanovic that the U.S.
>planned to "stimulate the economy" by "encouraging US
>corporations and banks to invest capital in Montenegro." (22)
>
>Djukanovic has moved steadily toward secession from Yugoslavia,
>indicating that he will push for separation if the right-wing
>opposition loses the September 24 election. In a phone call to
>Djukanovic in July 2000, Madeleine Albright promised that the U.S
>would provide him with an additional $16.5 million. That same
>week, Djukanovic blurted out that Montenegro "is no longer part
>of Yugoslavia." He also made the astonishing claim that he
>considered it a "priority" for Montenegro to join NATO, the
>organization that had bombed his country only the year before.
>The next month, Albright announced that she and Djukanovic "try
>and talk to each other and meet on a regular basis," and that the
>"United States is supportive of the approach that President
>Djukanovic has taken in terms of democratic development and his
>approach to the economic reforms also." (23)
>
>Western support for secession extends beyond Albright meeting and
>talking with Djukanovic. More than half of the population of
>Montenegro opposes secession, and any such move is likely to
>explode into violence. In preparation for that rift, Djukanovic
>is building up a private army of over 20,000 soldiers, the
>Special Police, including special forces armed with anti-tank
>weapons. Sources in Montenegro revealed that Western special
>forces are training this private army. Djukanovic has requested
>that NATO establish an "air shield over Montenegro" as he moves
>toward secession. One member of the Special Police, named
>Velibor, confirmed that they were receiving training from the
>British SAS. "If there is a situation where weapons will decide
>the outcome, we are ready," he said. "We are training for that."
>At a press conference on August 1, 2000, Minister Goran Matic
>declared that the "British are carrying out part of the training
>of the Montenegrin special units. It is also true," he added,
>that the Special Police "are intensively obtaining various kinds
>and types of weapons, starting with anti-aircraft and
>anti-helicopter weapons and so on, and they are also being
>assisted by Croatia, as the weapons go through Dubrovnik and
>other places." Furthermore, Matic pointed out that, "last year,
>before and after the aggression, a group from within the
>Montenegrin MUP [Ministry of Interior Affairs] structure left for
>training within the U.S. police structure and the U.S.
>intelligence structures." In August, two armored vehicles bound
>for Montenegro were discovered in the port of Ancona, Italy. One
>of the vehicles was fitted with a turret suitable for mounting a
>machine gun or anti-tank weapon. Italian customs officials,
>reports the Italian news service ANSA, are "convinced" that arms
>trafficking to Montenegro "is of far greater magnitude than this
>single episode might lead one to believe." Revelling in
>anticipation of armed conflict, Djukanovic bragged that "many
>will tuck their tails between their legs and will soon have to
>flee Montenegro." (24)
>
>A violent conflict in Montenegro would provide NATO with its
>long-desired pretext for intervention. As early as October 1999,
>General Wesley Clark drew up plans for a NATO invasion of
>Montenegro. The plan envisions an amphibious assault by more than
>2,000 Marines storming the port of Bar and securing the port as a
>beachhead for pushing inland. Troops ferried by helicopters would
>seize the airport at Podgorica, while NATO warplanes would bomb
>and strafe resisting Yugoslav forces. According to U.S.
>officials, other Western countries have also developed invasion
>plans. (25) Richard Holbrooke, U.S. Ambassador to the UN
>declared, "We are in constant touch with the leadership of
>Montenegro," and warned that a conflict in Montenegro "would be
>directly affecting NATO's vital interest." (26) NATO General
>Secretary George Robertson was more explicit. "I say to
>Milosevic: watch out, look what happened the last time you
>miscalculated." (27)
>
>President Milosevic and the ruling coalition enjoy considerable
>popular support in Yugoslavia, and many Western analysts admit
>they are likely to emerge victorious in the September 24
>election. This will set in motion, possibly within a few months,
>a NATO strike launched from Bulgaria intended to overthrow the
>legally elected government of Yugoslavia. If the coup fails, then
>Montenegro could declare independence, setting in motion a chain
>of events that would lead to a second all out war by NATO against
>Yugoslavia. The war in 1999 brought immense suffering to the
>Balkans. The next war promises to be catastrophic.
>
>NOTES
>
>1) "Bulgaria - Press Review" BTA (Sofia), August 12, 2000
>"Bulgaria - Us CIA Director's Visit," BTA (Sofia), August 15,
>2000 "CIA Did Not Tell Us the Most Important Thing," Trud
>(Sofia), August 16, 2000 "Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia),
>August 14, 2000 "Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August
>16, 2000
>
>2) Mila Avramova, "Italians Lease Training Ground for 400,000
>Leva," Trud (Sofia), August 9, 2000 Michael Evans, "Balkans Watch
>for 'Invincible'," The Times (London), August 26, 2000.
>
>3) Paul Beaver, "Clinton Tells CIA to Oust Milosevic," The
>Observer, November 29, 2000. Fran Visnar, "Clinton and the CIA
>Have Created a Scenario to Overthrow Milosevic,"  Vijesnik
>(Zagreb), November 30, 2000.
>
>4) Douglas Waller, "Tearing Down Milosevic," Time Magazine, July
>12, 1999.
>
>5) Michael Moran, "A Threat to 'Snatch' Milosevic," MSNBC, July
>8, 1999.
>
>6) "Yugoslav Police Say Killer of Local Leader Worked for
>Opposition," Agence France-Presse,
>
>May 15, 2000.
>
>"Arrested Assassin Gutovic Member of Otpor and SPO," Tanjug
>(Belgrade), May 15, 2000.
>
>7) "Yugoslav Official Accuses CIA of Being Behind Montenegro
>Murder," Agence France-Presse, June 6, 2000. Aleksandar Vasovic,
>"Serb Aide Says CIA Behind Slaying," Associated Press, June 6,
>2000 "Yugoslav Information Minister Accuses CIA of Complicity in
>Zugic Murder," Borba (Belgrade), June 6, 2000
>
>8) Statement by Richard Tomlinson, addressed to John Wadham,
>September 11, 1998.
>
>9) "Serb Consensus: Draskovic Crash Was No Accident," Seattle
>Times News Services, October 13, 1999.
>
>10) "NATO: Milosevic Not Target," BBC News, April 22, 1999.
>
>11) "Serbs Allege Milosevic Assassination Plot," Reuters,
>November 25, 1999. "France Plots to Murder Milosevic," Agence
>France-Presse, November 26, 1999. "SFOR Units Involved in a Plot
>to Kill Milosevic," Agence France-Presse, December 1, 1999.
>Gordana Igric, "Alleged 'Assassins' Were No Stranger to France,"
>IWPR Balkan Crisis Report (London), November 26, 1999. Milenko
>Vasovic, "Belgrade's French Connection," IWPR Balkan Crisis
>Report (London), November 26, 1999.
>
>12) "Lt. Testifies at Milosevic Trial," Associated Press, April
>26, 2000.
>
>13) Aleksandar Vasovic, "4 Accused of Milosevic Death Plot,"
>Associated Press, July 31, 2000. "Dutchmen Arrested, Accused of
>Plotting Against Milosevic," Agence France-Presse, July 31, 2000.
>Email correspondence from Herman de Tollenaere, quoting from NRC-
>Business Paper of August 1, 2000. "Arrested Dutchmen Admitted
>Plans to Kill, Kidnap Milosevic," BETA (Belgrade), August 17,
>2000. "Dutch Espionage Terrorist Gang Arrested in Yugoslavia -
>Minister," Tanjug (Belgrade), July 31, 2000. "Yugoslav
>Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'," BBC
>Monitoring Service, August 1, 2000.
>
>14) "West Sees Noose Tightening Around Milosevic," Reuters, June
>9, 2000.
>
>15) "NDI Activities in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
>(Serbia-Montenegro)," NDI Worldwide Activities, www.ndi.org
>
>16) "Britain Trains New Elite for Post-Milosevic Era," The
>Independent, May 3, 2000. The New Serbia Forum web page,
>http://ds.dial.pipex.com/town/way/glj77/Serbia.htm
>
>17) "Final Text of Stability Pact for Southeast Europe," June 10,
>1999. U.S. Embassy, Skopje, Macedonia, "Southeast Europe Equity
>Fund Launched July 26," July 27, 2000. White House Fact Sheet,
>"The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe: One Year Later," July
>27, 2000.
>
>18) Borislav Komad, "At Albright's Signal," Vecernje Novosti, May
>18, 2000. "US Anti-Yugoslav Office Opens in Budapest," Tanjug
>(Belgrade), August 21, 2000.
>
>19) Ljubinka Cagorovic, "Montenegro Assembly Scraps
>Socially-Owned Property," Reuters, November 13, 1999.
>"Montenegrin Government Prepares to Privatise Economy," Tanjug
>(Belgrade), December 25, 1999.
>
>20) Central and Eastern European Business Information Center,
>"Southeastern Europe Business Brief," February 3, 2000. Central
>and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern
>Europe Business Brief," April 27, 2000. Anne Swardson, "West
>Grows Close to Montenegro," Washington Post, May 24, 2000.
>
>21) Petar Invanovic, "Montenegro: Laying the Foundation of
>Entrepreneurship," Center for International Private Enterprise.
>
>22) Statement by Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic,
>"Important Step in Opening New Perspectives For Montenegrin State
>Policy," Pobjeda (Podgorica), June 22, 1999.
>
>23) "Albright Renews Montenegro Support," Associated Press, July
>13, 2000. "Montenegro Wants to Join NATO and the EU," Agence
>France-Presse, July 10, 2000. Office of the Spokesman, U.S.
>Department of State, "Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
>and Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic," Press Stakeout at
>Excelsior Hotel, Rome, Italy, August 1, 2000.
>
>24) "Montenegro Ahead of Elections: Boycott and Threats," BETA
>(Belgrade), August 9, 2000. "Montenegro and Elections - Boycott
>Becomes Official," BETA (Belgrade), August 17, 2000. Phil Reese,
>"We Have the Heart for Battle, Says Montenegrin Trained by SAS,"
>The Independent, July 30, 2000. "Yugoslav Information Minister
>Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'", BBC Monitoring Service,
>August 1, 2000. "Yugoslavia Says British SAS Trains
>Montenegrins," Reuters, August 1, 2000. "Information Minister
>Sees Montenegrin Arms Purchases, Croatian Assistance," BETA
>(Belgrade), July 31, 2000. "Foreign 'Dogs of War' Training
>Montenegrin Police to Attack Army," Tanjug (Belgrade), August 9,
>2000. "Montenegro: Camouflaged Military Vehicles Seized in
>Ancona," ANSA (Rome), August 21, 2000. "Montenegro: Traffic in
>Camouflaged Armored Vehicles: Investigation into Documentation,"
>ANSA (Rome), August 22, 2000.
>
>25) Richard J. Newman, "Balkan Brinkmanship," US News and World
>Report, November 15, 1999.
>
>26) "Clinton Warns Milosevic 'Remains a Threat to Peace'," Agence
>France-Presse, July 29, 2000.
>
>27) "NATO's Robertston Warns Milosevic on Montenegro," Reuters,
>July 27, 2000.
>
>
>
>Louis Proyect
>Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org/


>-------------------------
>Via Workers World News Service
>Reprinted from the Aug. 31, 2000
>issue of Workers World newspaper
>-------------------------
>
>It was all a lie
>
>NATO ADMITS YUGOSLAVS CARRIED OUT NO MASS KILLINGS IN KOSOVO
>
>By John Catalinotto
>
>On Aug. 17 NATO officials conceded that the figures they
>released in 1999, allegedly a count of the people killed by
>Yugoslav forces in Kosovo, were much higher than the actual
>number of people killed there.
>
>Findings by forensic teams from the International Criminal
>Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the Hague forced
>NATO's admission. The ICTY exhumed 3,000 bodies and examined
>them.
>
>While they have not yet released a report, ICTY spokespeople said
>that at most 3,000 people were killed. They said there was no
>evidence of mutilations. And they said that not all the dead can
>be proved to be victims of murder or execution.
>
>Last year NATO had charged that Yugoslav forces massacred at
>least 10,000 people. NATO spokespeople implied that 500,000
>supposedly "missing" people also had been killed.
>
>They used these claims to justify NATO bombings that had no
>basis in United Nations treaties or NATO's own charter.
>
>NATO has now been forced to admit in effect that it waged a
>lying propaganda war to win support for its own illegal
>intervention that killed over 3,000 Yugoslavs, about one-
>third of them children.
>
>Washington and NATO have no hard evidence that Yugoslav
>forces carried out even a small-scale massacre of civilians, let
>alone the "genocide" they were charged with.
>
>The ICTY--itself created and funded by the NATO powers--has
>exposed this "Big Lie" of NATO's.
>
>According to a report in the Aug. 18 British Guardian, Mark
>Laity, the acting NATO spokesperson, said: "NATO never said
>the missing were all dead. The figure we stood by was
>10,000." Laity even tried to claim that NATO's intervention
>stopped further killing.
>
>The truth is that since NATO occupied Kosovo, right-wing
>Albanian forces have killed some 1,000 people, mostly Serb
>and Romani, while pushing all non-Albanian peoples out of
>the region.
>
>NATO FORCES LIE AGAIN ABOUT TREPCA
>
>While this exposure of NATO's lies came too late to stop
>last year's bombing, it should be kept in mind by anyone
>evaluating NATO leaders' current statements regarding
>Yugoslavia.
>
>On Aug. 14, French and British forces occupying the Serbian
>province of Kosovo and Metohija seized the smelter at the
>Trepca mines near Kosovo Mitrovica. These are the richest
>nickel and lead mines in Europe. Corporate forces in the
>United States, Britain and France want these mines in their
>hands and not in the hands of the Yugoslav government.
>
>This time the excuse for the action was that the smelter was
>"polluting" the environment. Compared to the pollution caused by
>NATO's deliberate bombing of Pancevo and other Yugoslav chemical
>complexes, not to mention the use of radioactive depleted uranium
>weapons, this pollution is minor. In any case, Yugoslav
>authorities reported that steps had already been taken to reduce
>the smelter's pollution.
>
>The United States, Britain and France--the major NATO powers-
>-are again using a lie to justify an unwarranted and illegal
>seizure of Yugoslav property, just as they lied to justify the
>war in the first place.
>
>The NATO powers and Washington in particular have been
>attempting to intervene in the Yugoslav election scheduled
>for Sept. 24. They have set up an office in Budapest,
>Hungary, to deliver funds to parties in Yugoslavia that
>oppose the current elected president, Slobodan Milosevic.
>
>Seizing the Trepca smelter must be seen as part of this
>election strategy. By taking this step before the election,
>NATO hopes to put the blame for the "loss of Trepca" on
>Milosevic rather than on his opposition.
>
>This strategy was spelled out last fall in a study prepared
>by a think tank funded by multi-billionaire George Soros.
>The report suggested that NATO use the excuse of pollution
>to seize the Trepca mines, and to do it before the election.
>
>Besides trying to undermine the Yugoslav government by
>meddling in the national election, NATO forces have been
>supporting a pro-Western leadership in Montenegro, the
>republic that with Serbia makes up present-day Yugoslavia.
>British officers have been training the Montenegrin police
>to combat the Yugoslav Army.
>
>This was underlined when Yugoslav forces caught two British
>officers who were doing this training, along with two
>Canadians who had equipment that could be used for setting
>explosives. Whatever the outcome of the hearing over charges that
>these four were conducting terrorism, the case has made it clear
>that British imperialism is trying to help pro- Western political
>groups split Montenegro from Yugoslavia.
>
>- END -
>
>(Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
>copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
>changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
>Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
>ww@workers.org. For subscription info send message to:
>info@workers.org. Web: http://www.workers.org)


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