in case you missed it: "Abuse at Abu Ghraib, the Psychodynamicsof Occupation" with a short addendum.

["redazione@uruknet.info" <redazione@uruknet.info>]

http://www.uruknet.info/?p=2328



        Abuse at Abu Ghraib, the Psychodynamics of Occupation


        Stephen Soldz


May 2, 2004 "ICH" -- This week, CBS' 60 Minutes II published the now
infamous pictures of abuse and torture by US soldiers at the Abu Ghraib
detention facility in Iraq (some of the pictures can be viewed on the
New Yorker web site at
http://www.newyorker.com/online/slideshows/pop/?04
0510onslpo_prison.
<http://www.newyorker.com/online/slideshows/pop/?040510onslpo_prison.>

Seymour Hersh has documented in the May 10, 2004 New Yorker (Torture at
Abu Ghraib: http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6124.h
tm <http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6124.htm> ) that the
abuse shown in these photos was just the tip of the iceberg. A 53-page
Pentagon report completed in February listed some of the abuse:

"Breaking chemical lights and pouring the phosphoric liquid on
detainees; pouring cold water on naked detainees; beating detainees with
a broom handle and a chair; threatening male detainees with rape;
allowing a military police guard to stitch the wound of a detainee who
was injured after being slammed against the wall in his cell; sodomizing
a detainee with a chemical light and perhaps a broom stick, and using
military working dogs to frighten and intimidate detainees with threats
of attack, and in one instance actually biting a detainee."

Other evidence in Hersh's piece indicates that in at least one instance,
a prisoner was tortured to death under interrogation, then his injuries
were disguised and body disposed of. Other deaths have also been
referred to.

As Hersh documents, the Pentagon was well aware of the abuses at Abu
Ghraib.
http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/?040510fa_fa
ct <http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/?040510fa_fact>

An internal report by the Army's chief law-enforcement officer last
November documented that the Military Police (MPs) guarding the prison
faced tension between their responsibility to maintain an orderly prison
and the involvement of the same MPs in softening up prisoners for
interrogation. Yet, no action was taken.

One of the six military defendants in this case has emphasized the lack
of any training or guidance in how to treat the prisoners, and the
absence of any orientation to responsibilities under the Geneva
Convention. While it is easy to dismiss this complaint as an attempt to
avoid responsibility for reprehensible actions, the complaint does raise
an important issue. The MPs were not provided any orientation or
guidance because protecting Iraqi detainees was simply not of interest
to anyone in charge. Further, no doubt the attitude, common among prison
guards, was that the detainees must have done something bad to be
detained there. So protecting their rights or their bodies was not
important and protecting their spirit was a hindrance to the important
task of extracting intelligence about resistance activities.

While the emerging official documentation of Pentagon awareness is
useful, it's important to keep in mind that the conditions in Abu Ghraib
and the other US detention facilities have not been a secret from anyone
who wanted to know. There have been dozens, if not hundreds of accounts
of former detainees describing the abuses. The international press has
repeatedly published articles on this. Of course, the abuse has seldom
been reported with any prominence in the American press, but this is not
surprising, as the U.S. press has until quite recently been primarily a
mouthpiece for official claims.

Thus, for example, on July 23, 2003, Amnesty International published
Iraq: Memorandum on concerns relating to law and order, which warned of
"allegations of torture or ill-treatment" for those in US detention,
including at Abu Ghraib. As stated there "the organization has received
a number of reports of torture or ill-treatment by Coalition Forces not
confined to criminal suspects. Reported methods include prolonged sleep
deprivation; prolonged restraint in painful positions, sometimes
combined with exposure to loud music; prolonged hooding; and exposure to
bright lights. Such treatment would amount to 'torture or inhuman
treatment' prohibited by the Fourth Geneva Convention and by
international human rights law. Amnesty International's concerns with
regard to allegations of inhuman treatment immediately after arrest and
in detention camps run by the US military have been raised in its letter
to Ambassador Paul Bremer of 26 June 2003. Regrettably, testimonies from
recently released detainees held at Camp Cropper and Abu Ghraib Prison
do not suggest that conditions of detention have improved."

That report further states "Amnesty International has received a number
of reports of cases of detainees who have died in custody, mostly as a
result of shooting by members of the Coalition Forces. Other cases of
deaths in custody where ill-treatment may have caused or contributed to
death have been reported." This report contains several case studies of
abuse and torture of detainees. Saudi Arabian national Abdallah Khudhran
al-Shamran, for example, "alleged that he was subjected to beatings and
electric shocks."

As one other example from this report, Khreisan Khalis Aballey reported
that while detained "he was made to stand or kneel facing a wall for
seven-and-a-half days, hooded, and handcuffed tightly with plastic
strips. At the same time a bright light was placed next to his hood and
distorted music was playing the whole time. During all this period he
was deprived of sleep (though he may have been unconscious for some
periods). He reported that at one time a US soldier stamped on his foot
and as a result one of his toenails was torn off. The prolonged kneeling
made his knees bloody, so he mostly stood; when, after seven-and-a-half
days he was told he was to be released and told he could sit, he said
that his leg was the size of a football."

This July 23rd, 2003 report was not Amnesty International's first
complaint about the conditions of US detainees in Iraq. For example, the
June 30, 2003 BBC News had this story: U.S. condemned over Iraq rights,
which reported that Amnesty International warned that "conditions of
detention Iraqis are held under... may amount to cruel, inhuman or
degrading treatment or punishment, banned by international law."

As another instance, in the July 22nd issue of the British newspaper the
Independent, veteran middle east journalist Robert Fisk published The
ugly truth of America's Camp Cropper, a story to shame us all (available
at: http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article41
91.htm). <http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article4191.htm%29.>
In this article, Fisk tells the story of Qais Mohamed al-Salman, an
engineer and Iraqi exile who returned after Saddam was overthrown to
help his country. He was lucky; he was only abused and had a label of
"suspected assassin" pinned on his clothes. As Fisk reports, based on
what he considers to be an impeccable Western source: "only 'selected'
prisoners are beaten during interrogation" there. Eventually, Qais
al-Salman was released, but his mother had already given him up for dead
as the Americans never notified the families of those they detained.

As a final example, the Iraqi blogger "Riverbend", in her blog Baghdad
Burning, included in her March 29, 2004 entry: Tales from Abu Ghraib...,
the story of a young woman, M., who had recently been released in mid
January from Abu Ghraib, after being arrested with her mother and four
brothers. While in detention, she herself was beaten and she witnessed
several other beatings, including that of her mother, and "the rape of a
male prisoner by one of the jailors." Riverbend concludes the heart
wrenching tale with "By the end of her tale, M. was crying silently and
my mother and Umm Hassen were hastily wiping away tears. All I could do
was repeat, 'I'm so sorry... I'm really sorry...' and a lot of other
useless words. She shook her head and waved away my words of sympathy,
'It's ok- really- I'm one of the lucky ones... all they did was beat
me'" (italics added).

These stories are among the many I have included on my web page: Iraq
Occupation and Resistance Report over the last year of Iraqi occupation.
If I, a single individual maintaining a web page in my spare time, was
well aware of the abuses being reported in the US prisons in Iraq, the
only way the top generals, Pentagon officials, senior Administration
policy-makers such as the President and Vice-President, and U.S.
reporters could be ignorant of them is if they willfully chose to be
ignorant. Much more likely, they were aware but considered these abuses
- like the ones documented among detainees in Afghanistan, and those
reported by the few released detainees from Guantanamo - to be the
inevitable costs of war and occupation, especially, as is the case in
Iraq, when that occupation now is opposed by the majority of the occupied.

Under conditions of occupation, the occupier is faced with the task of
attempting to win the support of the occupied population when possible
and of instilling fear and a sense of hopelessness when winning them
over is not possible. Further, the occupation must be justified to the
soldiers of the occupying power, who may have reservations about the
role they are expected to play. Humiliation of the occupied is an
important element in both of these tasks. The occupying army learns to
view the occupied as inferior, as not as "civilized" as the occupiers
view themselves. Thus, Hersh quotes the testimony of Specialist Mathew
Wisdom, an M.P. at Abu Ghraib as he described one of the scenes of
coerced sex between detainees depicted in the photographs: "I saw SSG
Frederick walking towards me, and he said, 'Look what these animals do
when you leave them alone for two seconds'" (italics added). In case we
are tempted to dismiss this as simply the aberration of a sick
individual, consider the comments of a senior British officer in Iraq to
a reporter from the British Daily Telegraph on April 12, 2004 (available
at: British commanders condemn US military tactics:

http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/04/11/10816
21835663.html
<http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/04/11/1081621835663.html>

about the attitude of the U.S. military toward the Iraqi populace: "They
don't see the Iraqi people the way we see them. They view them as
untermenschen. They are not concerned about the Iraqi loss of life in
the way the British are." (Of course, recent revelations of torture of
detainees at British hands raise questions as to the degree of concern
the British have for Iraqi life. And the over 100,000 Iraqis killed in
the British occupation earlier in the century make clear that Iraqi life
was cheap when Britain was the dominant colonial power. See Hussein
Askary: Lessons To Be Learned: Iraqi Resistance to British Occupation 80
Years Ago)

To view the Iraqis as animals, or as subhuman, as untermenschen, makes
it easier to dominate them, to break down their doors in the middle of
the night, to imprison them without charges and without notifying their
families, and to use torture and "torture lite" (to use that apt term of
Ira Chernus: U.S. "Torture Lite Led to Saddam Capture) in order to break
their spirit as an aid to interrogation. If, further, one can get the
occupied to view themselves as inferior to the occupiers, the occupation
may eventually be seen as acceptable, as natural, even as beneficial.
This was the psychology of colonialism and it is the unconscious logic
dominating the Iraqi occupation.

Of course, the occupiers usually begin more benevolently. The occupied
are more akin to children, who need to be "educated", to the standards
of "Christian civilization" in the old days, to "Western democracy" in
the present world. Trouble arises when this projected image - with all
its accompanying fantasy of being welcomed with open arms by the
"children" eager to be educated - collides with the unfortunate reality
that the occupied are really adults from a different culture, with their
own traditions, wishes, and dreams. Then the occupation gets ugly. If
the children are so ungrateful as not to welcome the education the
invaders so graciously provide, it's surely a sign of their inferiority.
Only animals or untermenschen would be so crass as to refuse the kind
offer of civilization. Well, they're not worthy of us any way, so it
doesn't much matter how we teat them.

If one thing became clear in the 20th century, it is that ordinary
people are capable of the most horrendous acts. As both psychoanalysts
and social psychologists have pointed out, the capacity to do evil
resides in us all. Certain circumstances are more likely to encourage
the expression of this universal capacity. These circumstances include
being one of a group, being able to attribute responsibility to others
or to lofty goals, being in an environment experienced as alien and
dangerous, and being in an overall climate in which there is little or
no accountability. All of these circumstances are present to a great
degree among the occupying army in Iraq.

We have known for a long time that absolute power corrupts. Therefore,
those who create an environment in which occupying soldiers - Americans
- have absolute power with virtually no limits and no accountability,
bear the ultimate responsibility for the horrors that occurred at Abu
Ghraib, and that continue to occur on a daily basis throughout occupied
Iraq.

If President Bush, the senior US generals, and all the other
commentators filling the airwaves with pious outrage are not directly
lying, it is solely because of that marvelous human ability, identified
by psychoanalysts and novelists, to know and not know something at the
same time. As the soldiers caught in those horrifying photos are
crucified in the press and in the courts, let's not pretend that its
because of their personal weaknesses that these horrors occurred. Let's
not protect ourselves by pretending that it's only the evil that resides
in a few bad soldiers that allows such barbarities to occur. Such
pretense is but a defense, in both the legal and the psychoanalytic
meanings of that term. Rather, let's remember that it's a direct
consequence of the logic of occupation and it is the planners and
organizers of that occupation who bear primary responsibility. Further,
each and every one of us who has not done our best to know what was
being done by our country in a foreign country, who has let ignorance,
hopelessness, and the desire for a normal life interfere with the
citizens' responsibility to know, and to act to change that which is bad
in our country's behavior, bears our own responsibility. These
atrocities were truly committed in our name. They are our atrocities.

So what should be done? Of course, the overall goal must be to end the
occupation, to bring the soldiers home and allow the Iraqis to determine
their own fate. They may not make the decisions we would make, but
that's what adults do, they make their own decisions. And the occupation
will end. The recent CNN/USA Today poll of Iraqi attitudes demonstrated
strong opposition to occupation before the recent uprising. All accounts
indicate that, over the last three weeks, Iraqi sentiment has moved
decisively against the occupation. The release of these photographs will
be the final straw. No claims to moral authority or legitimacy with
Iraqis will survive. All that will remain is brute force, and brute
force is a weak weapon against modern nationalism. Thus, the US will
either withdraw soon, without further loss of life, or it will be thrown
out after massive conflict, suffering, and death. But it will leave.

In the meantime, there are steps that can be taken to reduce the levels
of abuse at Abu Ghraib and other detention facilities. These must be
based on limiting the corrupting absolute power that naturally adheres
there, as well as on recognizing that institutions usually place
self-protection at the top of their list of priorities. Thus, the world
should not allow this be a matter for the American military alone to
deal with. We must support the call of Amnesty International for an
independent investigation of the conditions at Abu Ghraib and the other
detention facilities. But, we must not stop there. It is vital that all
prisons and detention centers be routinely monitored by independent
observers not bound to speak privately. The International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC) does occasionally visit these centers, but they do
not have observers based there and the ICRC policy is only to make their
conclusions known privately to the institution they inspect while not
releasing any report to the public. These horrors make clear that this
level of oversight is no longer sufficient. We need an international
campaign to demand permanent, independent, international observers in
every Iraqi prison and detention center. Further, this is the time to
demand the same for the detention centers in Afghanistan and Guantanamo.
The world outcry over these atrocities creates a moment to have our
message paid attention to and an opportunity to act. Let's not lose the
opportunity to start turning around the barbarities we have come to
accept as normal, or despicable but impossible to challenge.




Stephen Soldz (mailto:ssoldz@bgsp.edu)
<mailto:%28mailto:ssoldz@bgsp.edu%29>is psychoanalyst and a faculty
member at the Institute for the Study of Violence of the Boston Graduate
School of Psychoanalysis. He is also a founder of Psychoanalysts for
Peace and Justice ( http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/
<http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/> ), and maintains the the Iraq
Occupation and Resistance Report web page (
http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ORR.htm ).

http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6121.htm
<http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6121.htm>


<http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6121.htm>http://www.uruknet.info/?p=2328


and again from:
 http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ORR.htm:

Treatment of Prisoners. In response to my article: Abuse at Abu Ghraib,
the Psychodynamics of Occupation, and the Responsibility of Us All
<http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=15&ItemID=5439>,
I have received the following comment from an Iraqi correspondent. Of
course, I can't vouch for the details, but these accounts of treatment
at US hands circulate widely in Iraq: (POSTED: May 2, 2004)

    Thank you for e-mailing your article on the recent revelations on US
    troops'abuse of iraqi POW's. Its really a comprehensive one. I sent
    it to several friends and Iraqi web sites. Iraqis,however were not
    surprised at those horrible photos and data. A few months ago an
    Iraqi newspaper published a letter from an Iraqi woman POW at
    abu-ghraib prison. Disclosing that she and many of her fellow women
    POW's were raped, she appealed to Iraqi resistance to "bomb the
    prison so as to wipe out the disgrace to your honour which is now
    growing in our wombs." We hear a lot of stories about vicious and
    immoral ways of torture and degradation ranging from pouring sweet
    and sticky oil on POW's naked bodies and leaving them overnight in
    rural out-door areas to attract insects of various kinds to forcing
    newly jailed POW"s to stand naked for thirty-six hours and to hear
    very loud noisy music to raping male and female POW's and killing
    others in torture.


------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Abuse at Abu Ghraib, the Psychodynamics of Occupation

Stephen Soldz


May 2, 2004 "ICH" -- This week, CBS' 60 Minutes II published the now
infamous pictures of abuse and torture by US soldiers at the Abu Ghraib
detention facility in Iraq (some of the pictures can be viewed on the New
Yorker web site at
<http://www.newyorker.com/online/slideshows/pop/?040510onslpo_prison.>http://www.newyorker.com/online/slideshows/pop/?04
0510onslpo_prison.

Seymour Hersh has documented in the May 10, 2004 New Yorker (Torture at Abu
Ghraib:
<http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6124.htm>http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6124.h
tm ) that the abuse shown in these photos was just the tip of the iceberg.
A 53-page Pentagon report completed in February listed some of the abuse:

"Breaking chemical lights and pouring the phosphoric liquid on detainees;
pouring cold water on naked detainees; beating detainees with a broom
handle and a chair; threatening male detainees with rape; allowing a
military police guard to stitch the wound of a detainee who was injured
after being slammed against the wall in his cell; sodomizing a detainee
with a chemical light and perhaps a broom stick, and using military working
dogs to frighten and intimidate detainees with threats of attack, and in
one instance actually biting a detainee."

Other evidence in Hersh's piece indicates that in at least one instance, a
prisoner was tortured to death under interrogation, then his injuries were
disguised and body disposed of. Other deaths have also been referred to.

As Hersh documents, the Pentagon was well aware of the abuses at Abu Ghraib.
<http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/?040510fa_fact>http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/?040510fa_fa
ct

An internal report by the Army's chief law-enforcement officer last
November documented that the Military Police (MPs) guarding the prison
faced tension between their responsibility to maintain an orderly prison
and the involvement of the same MPs in softening up prisoners for
interrogation. Yet, no action was taken.

One of the six military defendants in this case has emphasized the lack of
any training or guidance in how to treat the prisoners, and the absence of
any orientation to responsibilities under the Geneva Convention. While it
is easy to dismiss this complaint as an attempt to avoid responsibility for
reprehensible actions, the complaint does raise an important issue. The MPs
were not provided any orientation or guidance because protecting Iraqi
detainees was simply not of interest to anyone in charge. Further, no doubt
the attitude, common among prison guards, was that the detainees must have
done something bad to be detained there. So protecting their rights or
their bodies was not important and protecting their spirit was a hindrance
to the important task of extracting intelligence about resistance
activities.

While the emerging official documentation of Pentagon awareness is useful,
it's important to keep in mind that the conditions in Abu Ghraib and the
other US detention facilities have not been a secret from anyone who wanted
to know. There have been dozens, if not hundreds of accounts of former
detainees describing the abuses. The international press has repeatedly
published articles on this. Of course, the abuse has seldom been reported
with any prominence in the American press, but this is not surprising, as
the U.S. press has until quite recently been primarily a mouthpiece for
official claims.

Thus, for example, on July 23, 2003, Amnesty International published Iraq:
Memorandum on concerns relating to law and order, which warned of
"allegations of torture or ill-treatment" for those in US detention,
including at Abu Ghraib. As stated there "the organization has received a
number of reports of torture or ill-treatment by Coalition Forces not
confined to criminal suspects. Reported methods include prolonged sleep
deprivation; prolonged restraint in painful positions, sometimes combined
with exposure to loud music; prolonged hooding; and exposure to bright
lights. Such treatment would amount to 'torture or inhuman treatment'
prohibited by the Fourth Geneva Convention and by international human
rights law. Amnesty International's concerns with regard to allegations of
inhuman treatment immediately after arrest and in detention camps run by
the US military have been raised in its letter to Ambassador Paul Bremer of
26 June 2003. Regrettably, testimonies from recently released detainees
held at Camp Cropper and Abu Ghraib Prison do not suggest that conditions
of detention have improved."

That report further states "Amnesty International has received a number of
reports of cases of detainees who have died in custody, mostly as a result
of shooting by members of the Coalition Forces. Other cases of deaths in
custody where ill-treatment may have caused or contributed to death have
been reported." This report contains several case studies of abuse and
torture of detainees. Saudi Arabian national Abdallah Khudhran al-Shamran,
for example, "alleged that he was subjected to beatings and electric
shocks."

As one other example from this report, Khreisan Khalis Aballey reported
that while detained "he was made to stand or kneel facing a wall for
seven-and-a-half days, hooded, and handcuffed tightly with plastic strips.
At the same time a bright light was placed next to his hood and distorted
music was playing the whole time. During all this period he was deprived of
sleep (though he may have been unconscious for some periods). He reported
that at one time a US soldier stamped on his foot and as a result one of
his toenails was torn off. The prolonged kneeling made his knees bloody, so
he mostly stood; when, after seven-and-a-half days he was told he was to be
released and told he could sit, he said that his leg was the size of a
football."

This July 23rd, 2003 report was not Amnesty International's first complaint
about the conditions of US detainees in Iraq. For example, the June 30,
2003 BBC News had this story: U.S. condemned over Iraq rights, which
reported that Amnesty International warned that "conditions of detention
Iraqis are held under... may amount to cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment, banned by international law."

As another instance, in the July 22nd issue of the British newspaper the
Independent, veteran middle east journalist Robert Fisk published The ugly
truth of America's Camp Cropper, a story to shame us all (available at:
<http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article4191.htm%29.>http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article41
91.htm). In this article, Fisk tells the story of Qais Mohamed al-Salman,
an engineer and Iraqi exile who returned after Saddam was overthrown to
help his country. He was lucky; he was only abused and had a label of
"suspected assassin" pinned on his clothes. As Fisk reports, based on what
he considers to be an impeccable Western source: "only 'selected' prisoners
are beaten during interrogation" there. Eventually, Qais al-Salman was
released, but his mother had already given him up for dead as the Americans
never notified the families of those they detained.

As a final example, the Iraqi blogger "Riverbend", in her blog Baghdad
Burning, included in her March 29, 2004 entry: Tales from Abu Ghraib...,
the story of a young woman, M., who had recently been released in mid
January from Abu Ghraib, after being arrested with her mother and four
brothers. While in detention, she herself was beaten and she witnessed
several other beatings, including that of her mother, and "the rape of a
male prisoner by one of the jailors." Riverbend concludes the heart
wrenching tale with "By the end of her tale, M. was crying silently and my
mother and Umm Hassen were hastily wiping away tears. All I could do was
repeat, 'I'm so sorry... I'm really sorry...' and a lot of other useless
words. She shook her head and waved away my words of sympathy, 'It's ok-
really- I'm one of the lucky ones... all they did was beat me'" (italics
added).

These stories are among the many I have included on my web page: Iraq
Occupation and Resistance Report over the last year of Iraqi occupation. If
I, a single individual maintaining a web page in my spare time, was well
aware of the abuses being reported in the US prisons in Iraq, the only way
the top generals, Pentagon officials, senior Administration policy-makers
such as the President and Vice-President, and U.S. reporters could be
ignorant of them is if they willfully chose to be ignorant. Much more
likely, they were aware but considered these abuses - like the ones
documented among detainees in Afghanistan, and those reported by the few
released detainees from Guantanamo - to be the inevitable costs of war and
occupation, especially, as is the case in Iraq, when that occupation now is
opposed by the majority of the occupied.

Under conditions of occupation, the occupier is faced with the task of
attempting to win the support of the occupied population when possible and
of instilling fear and a sense of hopelessness when winning them over is
not possible. Further, the occupation must be justified to the soldiers of
the occupying power, who may have reservations about the role they are
expected to play. Humiliation of the occupied is an important element in
both of these tasks. The occupying army learns to view the occupied as
inferior, as not as "civilized" as the occupiers view themselves. Thus,
Hersh quotes the testimony of Specialist Mathew Wisdom, an M.P. at Abu
Ghraib as he described one of the scenes of coerced sex between detainees
depicted in the photographs: "I saw SSG Frederick walking towards me, and
he said, 'Look what these animals do when you leave them alone for two
seconds'" (italics added). In case we are tempted to dismiss this as simply
the aberration of a sick individual, consider the comments of a senior
British officer in Iraq to a reporter from the British Daily Telegraph on
April 12, 2004 (available at: British commanders condemn US military
tactics:

<http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/04/11/1081621835663.html>http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/04/11/10816
21835663.html

about the attitude of the U.S. military toward the Iraqi populace: "They
don't see the Iraqi people the way we see them. They view them as
untermenschen. They are not concerned about the Iraqi loss of life in the
way the British are." (Of course, recent revelations of torture of
detainees at British hands raise questions as to the degree of concern the
British have for Iraqi life. And the over 100,000 Iraqis killed in the
British occupation earlier in the century make clear that Iraqi life was
cheap when Britain was the dominant colonial power. See Hussein Askary:
Lessons To Be Learned: Iraqi Resistance to British Occupation 80 Years Ago)

To view the Iraqis as animals, or as subhuman, as untermenschen, makes it
easier to dominate them, to break down their doors in the middle of the
night, to imprison them without charges and without notifying their
families, and to use torture and "torture lite" (to use that apt term of
Ira Chernus: U.S. "Torture Lite Led to Saddam Capture) in order to break
their spirit as an aid to interrogation. If, further, one can get the
occupied to view themselves as inferior to the occupiers, the occupation
may eventually be seen as acceptable, as natural, even as beneficial. This
was the psychology of colonialism and it is the unconscious logic
dominating the Iraqi occupation.

Of course, the occupiers usually begin more benevolently. The occupied are
more akin to children, who need to be "educated", to the standards of
"Christian civilization" in the old days, to "Western democracy" in the
present world. Trouble arises when this projected image - with all its
accompanying fantasy of being welcomed with open arms by the "children"
eager to be educated - collides with the unfortunate reality that the
occupied are really adults from a different culture, with their own
traditions, wishes, and dreams. Then the occupation gets ugly. If the
children are so ungrateful as not to welcome the education the invaders so
graciously provide, it's surely a sign of their inferiority. Only animals
or untermenschen would be so crass as to refuse the kind offer of
civilization. Well, they're not worthy of us any way, so it doesn't much
matter how we teat them.

If one thing became clear in the 20th century, it is that ordinary people
are capable of the most horrendous acts. As both psychoanalysts and social
psychologists have pointed out, the capacity to do evil resides in us all.
Certain circumstances are more likely to encourage the expression of this
universal capacity. These circumstances include being one of a group, being
able to attribute responsibility to others or to lofty goals, being in an
environment experienced as alien and dangerous, and being in an overall
climate in which there is little or no accountability. All of these
circumstances are present to a great degree among the occupying army in
Iraq.

We have known for a long time that absolute power corrupts. Therefore,
those who create an environment in which occupying soldiers - Americans -
have absolute power with virtually no limits and no accountability, bear
the ultimate responsibility for the horrors that occurred at Abu Ghraib,
and that continue to occur on a daily basis throughout occupied Iraq.

If President Bush, the senior US generals, and all the other commentators
filling the airwaves with pious outrage are not directly lying, it is
solely because of that marvelous human ability, identified by
psychoanalysts and novelists, to know and not know something at the same
time. As the soldiers caught in those horrifying photos are crucified in
the press and in the courts, let's not pretend that its because of their
personal weaknesses that these horrors occurred. Let's not protect
ourselves by pretending that it's only the evil that resides in a few bad
soldiers that allows such barbarities to occur. Such pretense is but a
defense, in both the legal and the psychoanalytic meanings of that term.
Rather, let's remember that it's a direct consequence of the logic of
occupation and it is the planners and organizers of that occupation who
bear primary responsibility. Further, each and every one of us who has not
done our best to know what was being done by our country in a foreign
country, who has let ignorance, hopelessness, and the desire for a normal
life interfere with the citizens' responsibility to know, and to act to
change that which is bad in our country's behavior, bears our own
responsibility. These atrocities were truly committed in our name. They are
our atrocities.

So what should be done? Of course, the overall goal must be to end the
occupation, to bring the soldiers home and allow the Iraqis to determine
their own fate. They may not make the decisions we would make, but that's
what adults do, they make their own decisions. And the occupation will end.
The recent CNN/USA Today poll of Iraqi attitudes demonstrated strong
opposition to occupation before the recent uprising. All accounts indicate
that, over the last three weeks, Iraqi sentiment has moved decisively
against the occupation. The release of these photographs will be the final
straw. No claims to moral authority or legitimacy with Iraqis will survive.
All that will remain is brute force, and brute force is a weak weapon
against modern nationalism. Thus, the US will either withdraw soon, without
further loss of life, or it will be thrown out after massive conflict,
suffering, and death. But it will leave.

In the meantime, there are steps that can be taken to reduce the levels of
abuse at Abu Ghraib and other detention facilities. These must be based on
limiting the corrupting absolute power that naturally adheres there, as
well as on recognizing that institutions usually place self-protection at
the top of their list of priorities. Thus, the world should not allow this
be a matter for the American military alone to deal with. We must support
the call of Amnesty International for an independent investigation of the
conditions at Abu Ghraib and the other detention facilities. But, we must
not stop there. It is vital that all prisons and detention centers be
routinely monitored by independent observers not bound to speak privately.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) does occasionally visit
these centers, but they do not have observers based there and the ICRC
policy is only to make their conclusions known privately to the institution
they inspect while not releasing any report to the public. These horrors
make clear that this level of oversight is no longer sufficient. We need an
international campaign to demand permanent, independent, international
observers in every Iraqi prison and detention center. Further, this is the
time to demand the same for the detention centers in Afghanistan and
Guantanamo. The world outcry over these atrocities creates a moment to have
our message paid attention to and an opportunity to act. Let's not lose the
opportunity to start turning around the barbarities we have come to accept
as normal, or despicable but impossible to challenge.




Stephen Soldz <mailto:%28mailto:ssoldz@bgsp.edu%29>(mailto:ssoldz@bgsp.edu)
is psychoanalyst and a faculty member at the Institute for the Study of
Violence of the Boston Graduate School of Psychoanalysis. He is also a
founder of Psychoanalysts for Peace and Justice (
<http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/>http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ ),
and maintains the the Iraq Occupation and Resistance Report web page (
<http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ORR.htm>http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ORR.htm
).

<http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6121.htm>http://informationclearinghouse.info/article6121.htm


<>http://www.uruknet.info/?p=2328


and again from:
 <http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ORR.htm>http://psychoanalystsopposewar.org/ORR.htm:

Treatment of Prisoners. In response to my article:
<http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=15&ItemID=5439>
Abuse at Abu Ghraib, the Psychodynamics of Occupation, and the
Responsibility of Us All, I have received the following comment from an
Iraqi correspondent. Of course, I can't vouch for the details, but these
accounts of treatment at US hands circulate widely in Iraq: (POSTED: May 2,
2004)

Thank you for e-mailing your article on the recent revelations on US
troops'abuse of iraqi POW's. Its really a comprehensive one. I sent it to
several friends and Iraqi web sites. Iraqis,however were not surprised at
those horrible photos and data. A few months ago an Iraqi newspaper
published a letter from an Iraqi woman POW at abu-ghraib prison. Disclosing
that she and many of her fellow women POW's were raped, she appealed to
Iraqi resistance to "bomb the prison so as to wipe out the disgrace to your
honour which is now growing in our wombs." We hear a lot of stories about
vicious and immoral ways of torture and degradation ranging from pouring
sweet and sticky oil on POW's naked bodies and leaving them overnight in
rural out-door areas to attract insects of various kinds to forcing newly
jailed POW"s to stand naked for thirty-six hours and to hear very loud
noisy music to raping male and female POW's and killing others in torture.



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