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Fw: Desperate Financial Shenanigans in Argentina
Argentina: Gambling on its Future with Debt Swap
2315 GMT, 010611
Summary
Argentina has dodged imminent default by swapping nearly $30 billion of
maturing short- and medium-term debt for long-term debt. This ensures the
survival of President Fernando De La Rua's government and enhances Economy
Minister Domingo Cavallo's chances of winning the presidency in 2004. But
the swap did nothing to change the impediments to Argentina's growth.
Cavallo now has six to nine months to revive Argentina's stagnant economy.
Argentine Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo
Analysis
Averting imminent default on $128 billion of foreign debt, the Argentine
government approved bids June 4 to swap $29.47 billion in short- and
medium-term public-sector debt, maturing through 2005, for long-term debt
maturing in 2008, 2018 and 2030.
Debt default by Argentina would have triggered political and social
upheaval
domestically that would have spilled over to Brazil's slowing economy --
dragging down the entire region before spreading to Asia. The debt swap
gave
Argentina's President Fernando De La Rua a much-needed political boost,
silencing opposition critics who have been calling for his resignation. It
also gave Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo a chance to jump-start an
economy
that has been in recession for 34 months and potentially improve his
chances
of becoming president in 2004.
But the maneuver is not a sure-fire win.
Argentina essentially swapped existing debt, with an average cost of about
10 percent, for new debt that will cost 15 percent on average as of 2006.
In
order to achieve his political goals, Cavallo must achieve a 5 percent
growth rate by the end of 2001 and sustain it through 2005.
Cavallo is gambling hugely with Argentina's future financial and political
stability. If he succeeds in re-igniting the economy, the debt swap's high
financial cost to Argentina will have been worthwhile. But if he fails to
quickly achieve and maintain high growth rates, Argentina has merely
postponed inevitable default.
Significantly, about 75 percent of the nearly $33 billion in bids the
government received between May 24 and June 1 were noncompetitive bids,
indicating heavy participation by Argentine investors -- mostly pension
funds, along with some banks and other financial institutions -- and not by
foreign investors.
Before the swap, the government's debt exposure with Argentine financial
institutions was between two and three times greater than the combined
total
equity of the country's domestic banking system. The swap has drawn
Argentina's domestic financial institutions even deeper into binding
commitments, expanding their substantial government debt exposure and
increasing their risk in the event of a future default.
Moreover, even after calculating the debt swap's financial effects plus a
$39.7 billion financial aid package that the International Monetary Fund
cobbled together, Argentina still needs $12 billion in fresh money to cover
its debt servicing obligations in 2002. This means Cavallo must grow the
Argentine economy rapidly starting in the second half of 2001 to reduce
interest rates and risk premiums on debt before the government floats new
dollar-denominated bonds next year.
With the risk of default postponed for now, Cavallo will enact policies to
spur consumption and investment growth. But policy options are constrained
by the currency-convertibility plan Cavallo created in 1991 and by the
fiscal limits the IMF imposed as part of its financial support for
Argentina.
Cavallo will try to spur domestic economic growth and consumption by
cutting
business costs at least 20 percent immediately. The textile and automotive
industries have already received tax breaks to reduce costs and improve
profitability. More targeted tax breaks are likely for other industrial
sectors.
Although Argentina had made a commitment to bring its tariff policy back in
line by the end of 2002 with the common external tariff of Mercosur, the
South American customs union, Cavallo will maintain Argentina's new tariff
structure beyond 2002. Tariffs for capital goods imports are now zero,
while
tariffs for imported consumer goods are at 35 percent. In effect, Cavallo
has taken Argentina partly out of Mercosur.
Cavallo also will press for the speedy launch of bilateral trade
negotiations with the United States. But expectations of a closer
commercial
partnership with the United States could be derailed in a now
Democrat-controlled U.S. Senate with trade a low priority.
Cavallo also faces a political minefield in Buenos Aires, especially if he
cannot quickly jump-start the economy. Cavallo is more popular today than
De
La Rua, who has been weakened by the economy's lengthening slump and a
spate
of corruption scandals. However, barring a quick and vigorous economic
recovery, the government's opposition will renew calls for De La Rua's
early
resignation and new elections, and Cavallo will reap the political blame.
To win legislative approval for his proposed reforms, Cavallo also needs
the
congressional support of the Peronists led by former President Carlos
Menem.
That support is uncertain now that Menem is under house arrest in
connection
with a 1990s arms smuggling investigation. If Menem is prosecuted during De
La Rua's presidency, the Peronists may block the government's economic
reforms -- undermining economic recovery, discouraging foreign investors
and
destabilizing De La Rua's presidency.