C'era una atmosfera di pesante bullismo durante tutta la
manifestazione, con un forte odore di fascismo. Non c'è dubbio che
l'amministrazione è pronta a usare livelli estremi di violenza sia
all'estero sia all'interno degli Stati Uniti contro ciò che
percepisce essere la sua principale minaccia, la classe operaia.
Il nuovo inquilino della Casa Bianca è la personificazione di ciò
che è stato lo sviluppo nel corso dei decenni: una sempre maggiore
concentrazione di ricchezza al vertice della società americana, e
la cristallizzazione di una classe dirigente semi-criminale la cui
ricchezza è derivata dalla manipolazione finanziaria e non dallo
sviluppo delle forze produttive. Il Pd basa la sua opposizione a
Trump non sul carattere sociale della nuova amministrazione come
un governo di oligarchi, ma sulle controversie sulla politica
estera, in cui i democratici abbracciano felicemente l'opportunità
di adottare una neo-maccartista posizione anti-russa e allinearsi
a stretto contatto con l'apparato militare e di intelligence.
Questo perché il Pd è uno strumento politico dei miliardari, una
variante diversa sullo stesso tema. Infatti, tutto ciò che Trump
implementerà è stato preparato dall'amministrazione Obama.
Dalla conferenza stampa di Trump, 12 January 2017, di Patrick
Martin (forum for socialist ideas
& analysis & published by the International Committee of
the Fourth International)
Donald Trump’s press conference Wednesday morning was an hour-long
demonstration of oligarchic arrogance and contempt for democratic
principles that has no parallel in modern American history.
The occasion for the press conference was the president-elect’s
announcement of plans to put the Trump Organization, his main
business entity, under the management of his two sons, Donald Jr.
and Eric. The senior Trump would step down from all formal
management roles while retaining his status as the principal
owner.
These arrangements have been denounced by former government ethics
officials as a travesty of longstanding norms: every US president
in the modern period, no matter how wealthy, has been compelled to
place all his assets in a blind trust to prevent overt conflicts
of interest.
The event was dominated, however, by the issue of alleged Russian
hacking of the Democratic National Committee and the Clinton
campaign during the 2016 elections, with many questions relating
to a document containing unverified allegations that the Russian
government collected compromising material on Trump with an eye to
future blackmail.
While the Democratic Party has chosen to center its critique of
Trump on material provided by its allies in the CIA, the real
assault on the public embodied in the incoming administration was
visibly demonstrated at the news conference.
A significant portion of the event was given over to Trump’s legal
advisor, who declared that the “business empire built by
President-elect Trump over years is massive,” and proceeded to
explain why conflict-of-interest statutes do not apply to Trump.
She assured the American people that Trump “is not exploiting the
office of the presidency for his personal benefit.”
Trump aides piled up hundreds of manila folders allegedly
comprising documents showing the various arrangements to be made
with respect to the Trump Organization. While the president-elect
boasted of his wealth and success, he reiterated that he is exempt
from conflict-of-interest rules (due to an obscure 1978 law passed
to retroactively legitimize the free pass given to billionaire
Nelson Rockefeller when he was appointed vice president by Gerald
Ford in 1974).
Trump was not just citing a legal technicality. He was declaring
the complete immunity of the super-rich from the laws and
regulations that apply to lesser folk. It is the 21st century
version of the aristocratic principle asserted by the nobility
before the French Revolution: society is divided into two
camps—those who make the rules, the wealthy elite at the top, and
those to whom the rules apply, the vast majority, the working
people.
Insisting that he had the right to do whatever he wanted, Trump at
one point declared: “As president, I could run the Trump
organization, great, great company, and I could run the
company—the country. I’d do a very good job [at both], but I don’t
want to do that.”
The Freudian slip, mixing up “company” and “country,” was the most
revealing moment in the press conference. For Trump, the “country”
and the “company”—and, more broadly, the oligarchy—are one and the
same.
Particularly significant during the news conference was Trump’s
menacing of the press. He flatly refused to take a question from
CNN reporter Jim Acosta, accusing the network of being “fake news”
because it was the first news outlet to report on the document
claiming that Russia had obtained compromising material on him.
Trump also made an ominous threat against the Buzzfeed website,
which published the document online, declaring, “They’re going to
suffer the consequences. They already are.”
There was a heavy-handed atmosphere of bullying throughout the
event, which had a fascistic smell to it. There is no question
that the administration is prepared to use extreme levels of
violence abroad and within the United States against what it
perceives to be its main threat, the working class.
The personnel of Trump’s cabinet shows—in such figures as
billionaire asset stripper Wilbur Ross, multi-millionaire fast
food magnate Andy Puzder, former Exxon Mobil CEO Rex Tillerson,
and billionaire heiress and charter school advocate Betsy
DeVos—that the new administration will be one of unrelenting war
against the working class, destroying jobs, social services such
as education and Medicare, and any remaining restrictions on the
exploitation of labor.
Behind it all is an overpowering element of decay, nepotism and
social filth—a new low, even by the tawdry standards of American
capitalist politics. It represents the establishment in the United
States of government of, by and for the financial oligarchy.
The new occupant of the White House is the personification of what
has been developing over decades: an ever-increasing concentration
of wealth at the very top of American society, and the
crystallization of a semi-criminal ruling class whose wealth is
derived from financial manipulation, not the development of the
productive forces.
The Democratic Party bases its opposition to Trump not on the
social character of the new administration as a government of the
oligarchs, but on disputes over foreign policy, in which the
Democrats happily embrace the opportunity to adopt a
neo-McCarthyite anti-Russian stance and align themselves closely
with the military-intelligence apparatus.
This is because the Democratic Party too is a political instrument
of the billionaires, a different variant on the same theme.
Indeed, everything that Trump will implement has been prepared by
the Obama administration.
There is deep and growing anger among workers and youth. According
to the latest poll figures, Trump—the most unpopular
president-elect in history—now has a favorable rating of only 37
percent, with the majority of the population viewing him
unfavorably. This is before he even takes a single action as
president of the United States. Masses of people are in for a
shock beyond anything they are prepared for.
There must and will be mass opposition. It will come from the
working class, the vast majority of the population that is
completely excluded from official political life. To prepare for
these struggles, the working class must be politically organized
and mobilized, and armed with a revolutionary and socialist
perspective.
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